Politics
Here are the Top 10 political stories from South Florida in 2025
If last year was a big year for South Florida politics on the national and international stage — and it most certainly was — 2025 didn’t slow things down.
Broward, Miami-Dade and Palm Beach counties attracted attention from across the state, country and globe. Some were of the good variety. Others… Not so much.
Cutting the list of the year’s most important stories to a definitive “Top 10” wasn’t easy, nor was it scientific. Many headline-grabbers didn’t make the cut, from fallout over the state’s affordable housing and condo safety reforms to Miami-Dade’s removal of fluoride from its drinking water and LGBTQ advocates and officials’ outrage over the removal of rainbow street designs.
Hollywood Sen. Jason Pizzo, thought by many to be a likely Democratic Primary frontrunner for Governor, dramatically quit the party, declaring it “dead” — an arguable exaggeration, based on recent events.
Former Miami-Dade Commissioner Joe Martinez and ex-Jackson Health System executive Charmaine Gatlin were both sentenced to years in prison for using their offices for personal gain (Martinez is appealing).
Gary Farmer, a former state Senator, was forced from the Broward Court bench following complaints of judicial misconduct. CFO Blaise Ingoglia’s DOGE tour landed a 1-2-3 combo, declaring all three counties and some of their municipalities fiscally irresponsible.
And throughout the year, the Rep. Fabián Basabe show continued, with the sophomore lawmaker successfully pursuing the firing of a Town Attorney and an audit of Miami Beach, both of which drew rebukes from local officials and media but didn’t deter endorsers from both sides of the aisle from getting behind his re-election effort.
None of those stories made the list. We believe the stories that did spotlight the especially high (and low) points of the year.
10. Mayor’s effort to evict a theater over a pro-Palestine film draws sharp criticism
Miami Beach Mayor Steven Meiner learned the hard way that censorship is counterintuitive to engendering support.
In March, he moved to terminate the city’s lease and grant funding for O Cinema after the independent theater screened “No Other Land,” an Oscar-winning, strongly pro-Palestine documentary about the Israel-Palestine conflict.
Meiner, who is Jewish, labeled the film as a “one-sided propaganda attack on the Jewish people” inconsistent with the values of Miami Beach, which has a large Jewish population. The issue quickly attracted widespread attention, with the New York Times, NPR, BBC, Times of Israel, Guardian and other outlets seizing on the story.
O Cinema CEO Vivian Marthell admitted she’d initially agreed not to screen the film under pressure from Meiner, but reversed course after consulting with staff and the nonprofit’s Board, citing free speech principles.
At a contentious City Commission meeting later that month that drew a large crowd of protesters, an emotional Meiner withdrew his proposal after five of his six peers on the dais said they’d oppose it, promising to instead explore ways to encourage broader dialogue without dictating content.
The issue wounded Meiner’s standing in the city, but not fatally; he won re-election to a second term in November with just over 51% of the vote.
9. Rest in peace: South Florida loses notable figures
South Florida bid farewell to several influential political figures in 2025 who served in both elected and unelected capacities.
Former U.S. Rep. Lincoln Díaz-Balart, a towering leader in Florida and Cuban American politics, died at 70. He served for 8 years in the Florida Legislature and 18 years in Congress, where he championed human rights, immigration protections and a free Cuba. He also co-founded the Congressional Hispanic Leadership Institute and authored landmark measures, including the Nicaraguan Adjustment and Central American Relief Act.
Rep. Joe Casello, an ex-firefighter who represented parts of Palm Beach County, died at 73. First elected in 2018, he was widely respected for his quiet leadership and strong constituent services. His legislative legacy includes helping to establish Florida’s Purple Alert system for missing adults with cognitive difficulties.
Miami Commissioner Manolo Reyes, who ran for the City Commission five times before winning his seat in 2017, died at 80 just six months after winning re-election. He was known for his integrity, compassion and dedication to District 4.
Former Rep. Roy Hardemon, a blunt, neighborhood-first lawmaker and lifelong Liberty City advocate, died at 63. He served one term in the House, where he sought funding for youth and senior services, public health and community infrastructure. After leaving office, he remained active in local advocacy and ran several times to regain his old post.
G. Holmes Braddock, a longtime Miami-Dade School Board member, died at 100. He served 38 years, shaping desegregation, bilingual education and student involvement initiatives, leaving a lasting legacy in local public education.
Daniel Liftman, a longtime aide to late U.S. Rep. Alcee Hastings known for his quiet dedication and principled voice, died at 73 after devoting more than three decades to constituent service and political advocacy.
Seth Gordon, a Miami publicist and lobbyist who shaped political campaigns, championed culture and creativity, and helped fund the New World School of the Arts, died at 77.
8. DeSantis continues to exert his influence on South Florida
Former U.S. House Speaker Tip O’Neill famously averred, “All politics is local.” You can’t accuse Gov. Ron DeSantis of not acting on that maxim.
Over the years, the Governor has reshaped Florida in his ideological image, and he’s certainly paid attention to its most populous region.
In 2025, DeSantis appointed former state Rep. Mike Caruso to serve as Palm Beach County Clerk and added ally Adam Cervera to the Broward County School Board. The Broward College Board of Trustees, all there by way of DeSantis appointments, confirmed Torey Alston — whom the Governor previously placed on the Broward County Commission and School Board — to serve as the school’s new President.
DeSantis appointed a slew of Judges across the tri-county area and named Board members at the Children’s Trust of Miami-Dade, North Broward Hospital District and Memorial Healthcare System.
He also picked Florida Highway Safety and Motor Vehicles Executive Director Dave Kerner and repeat appointees Tracy Caruso and Michael Barnett to serve on the Palm Beach State College Board.
In mid-June, the Florida International University Board, whose membership is mostly influenced directly or indirectly by DeSantis, unanimously confirmed his former Lieutenant Governor, Jeanette Nuñez, as the school’s seventh President.
Then on Sept. 11, he added two more members, former state Rep. José Félix Díaz and decorated homicide detective Juan Segovia, to the Miami Dade College Board. Less than two weeks later, the Board — composed entirely of DeSantis appointees — participated in a vote that grabbed national headlines and attracted a lawsuit.
More on that at No. 6.
7. Miami-Dade’s active voter count flips red for the first time
If the November 2024 election was a seismic, rightward shift for Miami-Dade, a May update to the county’s voter rolls was the aftershock.
It marked the first time that, among active Miami-Dade voters, Republicans outnumbered Democrats. “Miami-Dade is Red!” declared Florida GOP Chair Evan Power. “Nobody would have predicted this 10 years ago,” DeSantis wrote on X.
At the time, the county had 449,337 active Republican voters, 414,680 active Democrats and 417,144 active voters registered as belonging to a third or no party (NPA).
The GOP’s lead has continued to grow since. Through Dec. 1, both major parties saw voter falloffs, but the difference was startling. While Republicans shed just 537 voters (an interesting numerical coincidence), Democrats lost more than 13.5 times as many (7,298).
The lost voters didn’t all switch to NPA; that group saw just a 2,521-voter uptick.
Notably, Democrats may still have more actual registered voters than Republicans — they did in May, as Florida Politics pointed out — but the state only counts active voters, which better represents the true voting power each party has in a given jurisdiction.
6. Miami Dade College gives away prime public land for a future Trump library
The groundwork for a Donald Trump presidential library was laid in Spring 2025 and solidified in June, when DeSantis signed legislation stripping local governments of authority over presidential libraries. By September, Miami — not Trump’s home city of Palm Beach — was targeted for the facility’s construction.
And later that month, the Miami Dade College Board of Trustees voted quietly and unanimously to give up a 2.63-acre waterfront parcel off Biscayne Boulevard valued at more than $67 million for the project. The Florida Cabinet then swiftly signed off on the giveaway.
The backlash was immediate. Retired professor and local historian Marvin Dunn sued, arguing the college Board violated Florida’s Sunshine Law by rushing its vote without proper public notice. Circuit Judge Mavel Ruiz agreed, temporarily blocking the transfer and scheduling a trial for August 2026. Attorney General James Uthmeier then stepped in to defend the college.
But that trial won’t come. The Board held a redo vote Dec. 2 and, after hours of public testimony, reached the same decision. Ruiz dismissed Dunn’s complaint just over two weeks later, ruling that any notice violations had been cured. Dunn said he’s filing a second lawsuit soon.
Though legally sufficient now, the land transfer remains unpopular. Polling from October found that only 14% of Miami-Dade voters approve of the move, while a whopping 74% believe the parcel should remain with the college for future expansions.
5. Under Daniel Perez, the Florida House regrows its backbone
Perez, a Miami Republican, hit the ground running when he took the gavel last November, reshaping the House committee apparatus, overhauling the chamber’s website and revamping many of its rules.
He promised, during a brief confirmation speech, to refocus the House on delivering more for Floridians than for corporate and special interest groups. It would also tamp down on government spending, he said, including the Governor’s use of state funds for political messaging.
With support from House leaders and lawmakers, Perez then set about delivering on that promise and, in the process, threw off DeSantis’ game like none before him. It started with a rejection of the Governor’s January call for a Special Session on illegal immigration, which Perez and Senate President Ben Albritton substituted with one of their own that better aligned with Trump’s dictates.
After DeSantis publicly fumed at the House for overriding his vetoes, advancing tort bills he opposed and eschewing his budget and tax proposals, Perez called the Governor “emotional” and prone to “temper tantrums” while stressing, “I consider him a friend. I consider him a partner.”
When questions arose about the Governor and his inner circle’s role in rerouting $10 million in Medicaid settlement dollars through First Lady Casey DeSantis’ Hope Florida charity to fund ads attacking proposed abortion and cannabis amendments, Perez called for answers and tasked state Rep. Alex Andrade with getting them.
That initial effort ended abruptly in April, though Perez said “all options are still on the table” and the issue has since sprouted an ongoing grand jury probe.
Since then, the Speaker has led the chamber in tackling several top-of-mind matters, including working on Trump’s call for mid-decade redistricting and multiple property tax reform proposals the Governor unsurprisingly dislikes.
Miami-Dade has produced three House Speakers this century — Marco Rubio from 2006 to 2008, José Oliva from 2018 to 2020 and now Perez. A fourth is coming in 2030; freshman Rep. Mike Redondo clinched the spot in July.
4. Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick indicted for stealing vaccine money
Cherfilus-McCormick, a Miramar Democrat representing Florida’s 20th Congressional District, has been dogged for years by accusations that she misappropriated funds her former health care company received to register people for COVID vaccinations, using the money to instead finance her 2022 election.
She has denied the allegations through a persistent House Ethics Committee probe, which was reauthorized in July. Now, she’ll defend herself against the accusations in a criminal case.
On Nov. 19, a federal grand jury indicted Cherfilus-McCormick on charges that she stole $5 million in COVID-related overpayments and rerouted them to her campaign. The Justice Department is prosecuting the case, which the Miami offices of the Federal Bureau of Investigation and Internal Revenue Service are investigating.
If found guilty on all counts, the 46-year-old lawmaker — who made history as the first Haitian American Democrat elected to Congress — could face up to 53 years in prison.
For her part, Cherfilus-McCormick hasn’t let on publicly that recent developments have shaken her much, despite her swift removal from a committee leadership post and calls for her resignation.
She’s even fundraised off the issue, telling voters by text that she needs help “fighting back” against a “politically motivated” attack against her.
In a cheeky bit of one-upsmanship, one of her Primary challengers, Elijah Manley — whom she’s suing for defamation for accusing her of generally the same misdeeds detailed in the indictment — is fundraising off of her fundraising.
3. Alligator Alcatraz stirs controversy, immigration debate
When Trump retook the White House in January, it was a foregone conclusion that immigration enforcement would be a major pillar of his administration’s agenda. And based on DeSantis’ past actions on the issue, including the controversial migrant flights program he launched under ex-President Joe Biden, many were confident Florida would play an outsized role in that effort.
It sure has, and to a marketable degree. In just weeks in June, the state seized what was previously a Miami-Dade training airport in the Everglades, erecting a makeshift detention center composed of tents, portable toilets, fencing and generators.
Uthmeier dubbed the facility, completed through more than $200 million in no-bid contracts, “Alligator Alcatraz.” And the name stuck — not only in people’s minds, but on shirts, hats and other MAGA merch.
In the weeks and months that followed, Alligator Alcatraz welcomed thousands of detainees, drew widespread and ongoing protests, and spurred inquiries by Democratic members of Congress. It also attracted numerous lawsuits from environmental groups, civil liberties organizations and the Miccosukee Tribe of Indians, which decried, respectively, the facility’s environmental impacts, treatment of detainees and misuse of ancestral land.
It also inspired copycat facilities in Indiana and Nebraska, which the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) dubbed the “Speedway Slammer” and “Cornhusker Clink.”
Legal challenges this year briefly cast doubt on Alligator Alcatraz’s future. One environmental suit led a Judge to order the facility to wind down and stop admitting new detainees, but an appellate court stayed that order, keeping it open.
A federal Judge rejected a separate detainee suit this month, ruling that the legal standard for immediate closure had not been met. Other, similar suits — including ones over access to lawyers — are ongoing.
As for the ongoing price tag of the operation, which includes an estimated $450 million needed yearly to keep things running, Florida got a boost just before the government shutdown, when DHS sent $608 million to cover costs.
Some of those funds may go to a second detainment center, dubbed the “Deportation Depot,” which opened just outside of Jacksonville in September.
2. Eileen Higgins shatters glass ceiling in bellwether race
Polling ahead of Election Day showed Higgins was on track to win. National Democrats poured into the area to bolster her support and energize voters. Further helping her odds was a growing disdain for the harsh treatment of immigrants, many of whom call Miami home, and rising unaffordability in the “Magic City” that she’d expressly made a top issue during her campaign and prior tenure on the Miami-Dade Commission.
But history wasn’t on her side — until it was. Higgins’ victory last month over former City Manager Emilio González marked the first time ever that Miami voters elected a woman as Mayor. She’s also the first Democrat to capture the office in nearly 30 years.
It was a massive accomplishment in a race that many viewed as a bellwether for the 2026 Midterm, and top figures from both political parties treated it as such.
Trump, DeSantis, U.S. Sen. Rick Scott, U.S. Rep. Byron Donalds and a slew of other GOP pols and groups got behind González, who outraised and outspent Higgins ahead of Election Day.
But it was to no avail. Higgins — who enjoyed support from U.S. Reps. Debbie Wasserman Schultz and Frederica Wilson, Miami-Dade Mayor Daniella Levine Cava, former U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg and many more state and local officials — trounced him by 19 points.
Miami voters also said “no thanks” to perpetuating a few political dynasties this year. In June, they picked Ralph Rosado over fellow Republican Jose Regalado, the son of former Mayor Tomás Regalado — now Miami-Dade’s Property Appraiser — and sister of Miami-Dade Commissioner Raquel Regalado.
Then in November, voters rejected mayoral candidates Joe Carollo and Alex Díaz de la Portilla — both former City Commissioners with families boasting decades in Miami politics — and picked newcomer Rolando Escalona over Joe’s brother, Frank, in a race for the Commission’s District 1 seat.
Higgins’ win wasn’t the only history-maker this year. In Miami Beach, Democratic Commissioner Alex Fernandez scored a record-setting victory by taking 84% of the vote against a GOP challenger. Bryan Calvo, a Republican, also became the youngest person ever elected Mayor of Hialeah. And in the Special Election for House District 90 in Palm Beach County, Democrat Rob Long won by more than 27 points, the largest margin of victory there since redistricting.
1. South Florida sees unprecedented representation in D.C.
Trump became America’s first President from Florida when he took office in January. He’d served his first term while still registered to vote in New York. But in 2019, while mounting a comeback campaign, he changed his registration to the Sunshine State. And since he regained control of the White House, he’s remade its halls, walls and offices in his image.
He’s done the same for Washington, D.C., and its many national and international extensions.
Accordingly, a sizable share of key Washington figures are from South Florida. By our count, more than a dozen top Trump administration figures are from or live in the area.
From Miami-Dade, there’s Secretary of State Marco Rubio, U.S. Marshals Service Director Gadyaces Serralta, Under Secretary of State Jacob Helberg and Under Secretary of Defense Emil Michael.
From Palm Beach, there’s Deputy Secretary of Labor Keith Sonderling, Federal Housing Agency Director Bill Pulte, Under Secretary of State Thomas DiNanno, Under Secretary of Defense Anthony Tata, Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche, Federal Procurement Policy Administrator Kevin Rhodes and Deputy Assistant Secretary of Homeland Security Sara Perkins.
Supreme Court Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, a Biden appointee, grew up and graduated from high school in Miami.
Many of America’s diplomats are from South Florida, too. From Miami-Dade, Trump tapped former County Commissioner Kevin Marino Cabrera for Panama, health care entrepreneur Benjamín León Jr. for Spain, Howard Brodie for Finland and Michael Kavoukjian for Norway.
He also chose Palm Beach’s John Arrigo, Duke Buchanan III, Sergio Gor, Kimberly Guilfoyle, Michael Issa, Lee Lipton, Nicole McGraw, Roman Pipko and Anjani Sinha to represent U.S. interests in Portugal, Morocco, India, Greece, Lebanon, the Philippines, Croatia, Estonia and Singapore, respectively.
Florida’s growing government and lobbying power in Washington was the focus of Florida Politics’ final issue of INFLUENCE this year, and for good reason; it’s unprecedented and represents a shifting political landscape that increasingly looks to our state for direction.
And with Trump in the Oval Office, Perez as Florida House Speaker, Rubio as Secretary of State and a host of other South Floridians calling shots, South Florida’s influence factors heavily into where America will go next.
Politics
Donald Trump, Benjamin Netanyahu to meet in Florida at crucial moment for U.S.-backed Gaza ceasefire
President Donald Trump is scheduled to meet with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Monday, as Washington looks to create fresh momentum for a U.S.-brokered ceasefire in Gaza that could be in danger of stalling out before a complicated second phase.
Trump could use the face-to-face at his Mar-a-Lago estate to try to leverage his strong relationship with Netanyahu and look for ways to speed up the peace process, especially as Israel’s leader has been accused of not pushing his side to move fast enough.
The ceasefire between Israel and Hamas that Trump has championed has mostly held, but progress has slowed recently. Both sides accuse one another of violations, and divisions have emerged among the U.S., Israel and Arab countries about the path forward.
The truce’s first phase began in October, days after the two-year anniversary of the initial Hamas-led attack on Israel that killed around 1,200 people. All but one of the 251 hostages taken then have been released, alive or dead.
Now comes the next, far more complicated part. Trump’s 20-point plan — which was approved by the U.N. Security Council — lays out an ambitious vision for ending Hamas’ rule of Gaza.
The two leaders also could discuss non-Gaza topics, including Iran, whose nuclear capabilities Trump continues to insist were “completely and fully obliterated” following U.S. strikes on its nuclear sites in June.
There are many key facets of the ceasefire’s second phase that Israel’s leader doesn’t support or has even openly opposed, said Mona Yacoubian, director and senior adviser of the Middle East Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
“This is going to be a really tall order, I think, for President Trump to get Netanyahu to agree,” she said.
“How he does that, what kind of pressure he puts on Netanyahu, I think, is going to be important to watch for,” said Yacoubian, who also said the two could exhibit ”a broader clash of approaches to the region.”
Next phase remains complex
If successful, the second phase would see the rebuilding of a demilitarized Gaza under international supervision by a group chaired by Trump and known as the Board of Peace. The Palestinians would form a “technocratic, apolitical” committee to run daily affairs in Gaza, under Board of Peace supervision.
It further calls for normalized relations between Israel and the Arab world, and a possible pathway to Palestinian independence. Then there are thorny logistical and humanitarian questions, including rebuilding war-ravaged Gaza, disarming Hamas and creating a security apparatus called the International Stabilization Force.
The Board of Peace would oversee Gaza’s reconstruction under a two-year, renewable U.N. mandate. Its members had been expected to be named by the end of the year and might even be revealed following Monday’s meeting, but the announcement could be pushed into next month.
Netanyahu was the first foreign leader to meet Trump at the White House in his second term, but this will be their first in-person meeting since Trump went to Israel in October to mark the start of the ceasefire’s initial phase. Netanyahu has been to Mar-a-Lago before, including in July 2024 when Trump was still seeking reelection.
Much remains unsettled
Their latest meeting comes after U.S. Mideast envoy Steve Witkoff and the President’s son in law, Jared Kushner, recently huddled in Florida with officials from Egypt, Qatar and Turkey, which have been mediating the ceasefire.
Two main challenges have complicated moving to the second phase, according to an official who was briefed on those meetings. Israeli officials have been taking a lot of time to vet and approve members of the Palestinian technocratic committee from a list given to them by the mediators, and Israel continues its military strikes.
Trump’s plan also calls for the International Stabilization Force, proposed as a multinational body, to maintain security. But it, too, has yet to be formed. Whether details will be forthcoming after Monday’s meeting is unclear.
A Western diplomat said there is a “huge gulf” between the U.S.-Israeli understanding of the International Stabilization Force’s mandate and that of other major countries in the region, as well as European governments.
All spoke on the condition of anonymity to provide details that haven’t been made public.
The U.S. and Israel want the force to have a “commanding role” in security duties, including disarming Hamas and other militant groups. But countries being courted to contribute troops fear that mandate will make it an “occupation force,” the diplomat said.
Hamas has said it is ready to discuss “freezing or storing” its arsenal of weapons, but insists it has a right to armed resistance as long as Israel occupies Palestinian territory. One U.S. official said a potential plan might be to offer cash incentives in exchange for weapons, echoing a “buy-back” program Witkoff has previously floated.
Questions about Gaza reconstruction
Israeli bombardment and ground operations have transformed neighborhoods in several Gaza cities into rubble-strewn wastelands, with blackened shells of buildings and mounds of debris stretching in all directions.
Egypt, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Turkey are pressing for a negotiated deal on disarming Hamas, and on an additional Israeli withdrawal from Gaza before moving to next elements of the plan. Those include deployment of the international security force and reconstruction, three Arab officials told The Associated Press.
That appears to run against ideas floated by U.S. officials to quickly start building temporary housing for Palestinians in parts of southern Gaza still controlled by Israeli troops. Three officials said the United Arab Emirates has agreed to fund reconstruction in Gaza, including new communities, although they said discussions are ongoing and plans remain unsettled.
A proposed map created by the U.S. and obtained by the AP shows an area labelled “UAE Temporary Emirates housing complex” inside an Israeli-controlled area of Gaza. The map shows a “U.S. planned community area” surrounding the UAE area.
An Arab official said he was aware of the map, but said it was a suggestion from the U.S. and Israel that was put to the Emiratis and other countries.
The UAE did not respond to multiple requests for comment about whether it has agreed to the plans or to fund the communities. It is not known if the money would be contingent on gestures from Israel and Hamas, such as a commitment to Palestinian statehood or disarmament.
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Republished with permission of The Associated Press
For yet another year, it was hard to nail down what the biggest stories locally were.
In one sense, the scene was static. Jacksonville’s City Council and Mayor continued to spar, but it’s called a strong Mayor government for a reason.
In another sense, we’re in what stock traders call a consolidation period, as plans are laid for 2026’s state elections and 2027’s local vote.
We now have plenty of sample size to deduce that Jacksonville’s current Democratic Mayor likely isn’t politically vulnerable in the way Alvin Brown might have been during equivalent points in his first and only term in City Hall … though there’s still time to change that.
Here are the Top 10 Jacksonville stories of 2025:
— Deegan holds on (No. 1): It’s almost time for prospective 2027 opponents to get in the race to replace Jacksonville Mayor Donna Deegan. Otherwise, they had better reconcile themselves to a full eight years and the reality that they will never be elected to replace her. Deegan weathered a series of storms that were seen as potentially difficult, such as the back-and-forth about General Counsel Michael Fackler and the handgun registry that seemed like such a big deal last Spring but hasn’t led to much. But in the end, who has stood up ahead of 2027? Elections Supervisor Jerry Holland is telling people he’s running, but whether he gets meaningful donor class support remains to be seen. Other Republicans are dipping their toes in the water. But anyone who gets in right now is doing so as a serious underdog, and at a time when indications are that there is little momentum for them.
— Curry complications (No. 2): Former Jacksonville Mayor Lenny Curry didn’t go away after leaving City Hall … and it’s to Deegan’s detriment. Curry, a former Republican Party of Florida Chair, wasn’t thrilled when Ballard Partners lost lobbying contracts when Deegan was elected, and he has stepped up his critiques since. He says he doesn’t want to run for Mayor. But also says he would win if he did run. Deegan and Curry have squabbled over policy issues for more than two years now. Curry took a leading role in advocating for a 1/8 mill property tax cut that the current administration supported. Deegan modified pension reform that Curry pushed through by creating a path for police and fire to enter the Florida Retirement System. If a serious opponent emerges for Deegan, Curry could be a problem. But as of right now, that’s a big if.
— Stadium vindication (No. 3): The Jacksonville Jaguars at this writing have a path to the top seed in the playoffs. While Denver still has pole position despite the Jags going into Mile High and scoring a statement win, the Jaguars won the biggest game of the season on the road and left the Broncos looking as bad as they have all year. In terms of sports, this is the ultimate feel-good story for a city that derives more of its identity from its NFL team than anywhere else south of Green Bay. But its political punch is even bigger. Those who were skeptical about spending money on a stadium renovation and pushing back pension payments to do so look to have lost the argument to those who prioritize the NFL over everything else.
— Wiles’ world (No. 4): The Most Powerful Woman in the World? That’s what President Donald Trump calls her and we close out 2025 not looking to argue with him. There may have been bumps in the road courtesy of Vanity Fair, but the fact is that a local still holds one of the most important political positions anywhere. This would have been the top story perhaps if Jacksonville’s local government had managed to get anything out of this unique, and necessarily temporary, dynamic. But it’s hard to imagine a Democratic Mayor being able to, given the partisan pique that characterizes the entire political process these days.
— School daze (No. 5): The Duval County School Board has become more assertive in recent months. On issues ranging from decisions to close underused schools to asserting the need for its own legal representation, the right-of-center Board has forced locals to think about education in a different way … even those who don’t have students in schools. Individual Board members like Chair Charlotte Joyce have stepped up to defend prerogatives of the panel despite resistance from the City Council. What does this ultimately lead to? At this point, that’s an open question. But it’s one this current permutation of the Board will force.
— Renner’s run (No. 6): He’s not the front-runner in the Governor’s race, but former House Speaker Paul Renner may prove to have staying power. The one-time candidate for the House from Jacksonville’s Westside drew his share of scoffing when he announced his candidacy this year. But his quiet, socially conservative leadership is keeping him in the game without endorsements from Gov. Ron DeSantis (who, when Renner announced his campaign, asked “Governor of what?”) and President Donald Trump, who backs Byron Donalds.
— Go Gators (No. 7): By this time next year, operations should be humming at Jacksonville’s downtown graduate campus for the University of Florida, transforming Lavilla as we know it. Business, health care and engineering degrees will emerge, along with the Florida Semiconductor Institute. A total of $300 million of public and private money has already been committed to the build, and by the end of the decade, we won’t be able to remember what Jacksonville was like without it.
— Nixon’s next move (No. 8): Arguably the most left-wing politician to get elected in Jacksonville history, state Rep. Angie Nixon of House District 13 has not been especially effective in Tallahassee. So she’s exploring going to Washington as a candidate for U.S. Senate, or to the Jacksonville City Council in 2027. She’s been doing a listening tour around the state to figure it out or road test her message. Nature abhors a vacuum, however, and two political vets — former state Sen. Audrey Gibson and former Councilman Reggie Gaffney — are vying for her seat.
— Bowling over (No. 9): Was it a power struggle in the Mayor’s Office? Chief Administrative Officer Karen Bowling was the biggest name to leave the Deegan administration in 2025, and for a time there was a lot of talk. Republicans who hadn’t praised anything in the Mayor’s Office suddenly had plenty of compliments. People closer to the Mayor’s Office said her departure essentially was addition by subtraction, questioning her work ethic. It’s Mike Weinstein’s job now … but aren’t they all in the end?
— Budget compromise (No. 10): Divided government often leads to paralysis, then compromise. A good example of that this year was when the Jacksonville City Council passed its Fiscal Year 2025-26 budget. While conservatives got a 1/4 mill cut on property taxes, the main event of the evening ultimately went against them. Republican Rory Diamond carried through on his proposal to stop city funding for abortions and related services, so-called diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives, and undocumented immigrants, but Democrats and a few Republican members held firm. Ultimately, the spending plan passed without the culture war language.
Local voters weighed in. City Councils pushed back. School boards flipped. Yet, in Southwest Florida, 2025 proved that political gravity still pulls hard toward Tallahassee.
From airport governance fights and higher education shakeups to school board drama and rare recall elections, the year was defined by clashes over who holds power.
Florida Politics has curated the top stories that capture the moments that shaped local government and education across Southwest Florida in 2025. Familiar figures returned, institutions were reshaped, and community pushback met an increasingly centralized political reality.
Together, they tell the story of a region grappling with state influence, voter intent and the limits of local control.
New College expansion plans unsettle Sarasota’s higher education landscape
New College of Florida spent much of 2025 at the center of a high-stakes tug-of-war over control of Sarasota’s cultural and academic institutions, with support from DeSantis, who repeatedly floated proposals that would dramatically expand the school’s footprint.
The year opened with a DeSantis proposal to strip Florida State University of control over The Ringling Museum complex and place the internationally recognized cultural assets under New College’s management. Lawmakers ultimately shelved that plan in the Spring, along with a separate concept that would have placed New College in charge of the University of South Florida Sarasota-Manatee campus.
But the issue resurfaced late this year in far more concrete form. DeSantis’ December budget proposal revived the push by directing a wholesale transfer of all USF Sarasota-Manatee campus facilities to New College. Around a week later, New College Trustees approved a new comprehensive plan that showcases plans for rapid expansion if certain political hurdles are cleared. And New College continues to hold out hope for a land purchase from the Sarasota-Bradenton International Airport.
The renewed proposal underscores the DeSantis administration’s commitment to reshaping New College into a larger, more influential institution in Sarasota and Manatee counties.
Naples Airport Authority overhaul ignites home rule fight
A push by Collier County lawmakers to overhaul governance of the Naples Airport Authority became one of Southwest Florida’s most contentious political storylines of 2025, exposing deep rifts between state legislators, city officials and aviation stakeholders.
The effort, led by Rep. Adam Botana, aims to replace the long-standing structure of the city-appointed Naples Airport Authority with an elected board. Supporters argue the airport serves the broader region and should be accountable to all Collier County voters, while critics warn the move would dilute Naples’ control over its own destiny and undermine home rule.
Tensions escalated after the Airport Authority rejected millions in federal aviation grants and Naples City Council attempted, but later abandoned the effort, to expand its oversight of airport development. Those decisions fueled frustration among pilots, tenants and some lawmakers, who questioned the board’s composition and its dependence on city politics.
The dispute spilled into public view through sharply worded exchanges between city and state leaders, highlighting broader friction over local authority, taxation and the Legislature’s growing role in municipal affairs. Despite vocal opposition from the City of Naples, Botana’s proposal advanced steadily, winning unanimous support from the Collier legislative delegation and clearing its first House committee without debate.
The bill is positioned to place all five Airport Authority seats on the 2026 ballot if approved by the Legislature in the new year.
Karen Rose, Bridget Ziegler and Sarasota education politics come full circle
Sarasota County’s education politics in 2025 were defined by reversals, returns and unresolved controversy, as familiar figures cycled back into power despite voter pushback and lingering scandal.
The year began with fallout from the 2024 election, when voters rejected several conservative Sarasota County School Board candidates aligned with Gov. Ron DeSantis, including incumbent Karen Rose. But DeSantis remedied that months later by appointing Rose back onto the School Board months later to fill a vacancy, effectively restoring her to office despite her recent electoral defeat.
The dance did not stop there. Rose’s return placed her once again alongside Bridget Ziegler, whose influence on the School Board has persisted despite national scrutiny. Ziegler, a co-founder of Moms for Liberty, remained on the board after a 2023 sex scandal involving her husband, former Florida GOP Chair Christian Ziegler, made headlines and fractured political circles. That dispute continued in 2025, when the Ziegler’s sued the City of Sarasota and police detectives alleging constitutional violations stemming from an investigation that ultimately produced no criminal charges.
Although Rose once called for Ziegler’s resignation in the early days of the scandal, the two women reemerged in leadership roles by year’s end. Once re-installed by DeSantis, Rose helped return Ziegler to the School Board Chairmanship. Simultaneously Rose herself advanced through confirmation to a powerful regional post on the State College of Florida Board of Trustees, another DeSantis appointment.
Together, their political resurgence underscores a broader theme that defined Sarasota’s education landscape in 2025. Voter backlash did not translate to lasting change, and controversies that once seemed career-ending have become ammo in court.
Schools of Hope expansion triggers backlash in Sarasota and across the state
Florida’s Schools of Hope program emerged as one of the most volatile education fights of 2025, with Sarasota County becoming an early focal point for the growing backlash against a state mandate that allows charter schools to claim space in public school buildings.
Budget language approved for the 2025–26 fiscal year dramatically broadened the program, allowing “Hope operators” to claim space inside any public school deemed underused, regardless of academic performance or local approval. Because every school district contains an opportunity zone, the change effectively opened thousands of campuses statewide to potential charter incursions.
In Sarasota County, Miami-based charter networks quickly signaled interest in occupying space inside campuses with strong academic track records. The letters of intent stoked fears that successful public schools could be forced to share classrooms, cafeterias and playgrounds with outside operators with no ties to the community, and without compensation for use of space and resources.
DeSantis defended the policy as a targeted intervention aimed at struggling communities, insisting most Floridians would never notice the schools being created. But data shows the program’s reach extends well beyond traditionally underserved areas. By Fall, bipartisan frustration had spilled into the Legislature. A bill filed by Sen. Darryl Rouson aims to repeal the co-location requirement entirely, arguing the policy amounted to an unfunded mandate that forced districts to subsidize private operators.
Sarasota’s experience is one of many similar tales in communities across the state, forcing communities to scramble to either respond or fight to protect classrooms from what many view as forced takeovers. Rouson’s SB 424 will be one to watch during the 2026 Legislative Session.
Fort Myers immigration vote triggers Uthmeier
In Fort Myers, a split City Council vote rejected an agreement with federal immigration authorities triggered a rapid response from state leaders. Attorney General James Uthmeier warned the city risked being labeled a “sanctuary” jurisdiction and suggested Council members could face removal from office. The standoff highlighted how little room local governments had to maneuver on immigration policy once Tallahassee drew a hard line.
Florida land purchase ends in court dispute over contaminated land
In Collier County, pushback took a more personal note. Parker Collier, matriarch of a powerful real estate family, sued a former adviser for defamation after allegations surfaced that contaminated land had been sold to the state as part of a major conservation deal. The case opened a bitter dispute that blends environmental concerns, political influence and the limit of public accountability on high-dollar land deals.
Fort Myers Beach voters force the recall of two Council members
On Fort Myers Beach, voters delivered one of the rarest rebukes in local politics: A successful recall. Residents ousted Town Council members Karen Woodson and John King — although King’s case is tied up in court — over support for a controversial high-rise redevelopment at the site of the Red Coconut RV Park after it was destroyed by Hurricane Ian. The vote marked the county’s first successful recall in decades.
Enos resignation opens door for Karen Rose
Board Chair Tim Enos resigned mid-year to return to his former role as chief of the Sarasota County Schools Police Department. His departure reopened questions about continuity and control, temporarily leaving the board evenly split and handing Gov. DeSantis another appointment to tilt the board’s direction. He used that appointment on Rose.
Sarasota school board debates anti-discrimination policy
Board members also reconsidered the district’s long-standing anti-discrimination policy, weighing whether to replace explicit protections for specific groups with language more in line with federal guidance under President Donald Trump. Critics warned the change could weaken safeguards for vulnerable students and staff, while supporters framed it as compliance amid legal and political uncertainty.
Tension over Tom Edwards support for inclusion
Political tensions sparked again when local Republicans called for openly gay Board member Tom Edwards to resign after he accepted a leadership role with a nonprofit focused on inclusion. Edwards brushed off the demand as partisan noise, but the episode reflected how school governance in Sarasota remains entangled in culture-war politics.
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