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World Menopause Day: support women, strengthen systems

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Menopause has long been treated as a quiet, private ordeal. That silence carries a cost. On World Menopause Day, bringing menopause out of the shadows is not a niche concern but a public priority with tangible dividends for health, equity, and economic growth. The conversation must move from scattered efforts to a coordinated plan that is practical to implement in clinics, workplaces, and national policies.

Perimenopause and menopause can span more than a decade. At any given moment, more than 450 million women worldwide are navigating this transition. According to research by the World Economic Forum’s Global Alliance for Women’s Health, closing the women’s health gap on menopause alone could yield an estimated 2.4 million disability adjusted life years every year and roughly 120 billion dollars in annual GDP gains. These figures represent fewer missed workdays, steadier household income, and less strain on health systems. They also represent lives experienced with more comfort, clarity, and confidence. Numbers summarize the stakes, but lived experience explains them.

What stands in the way is not a lack of need but a lack of preparation across the systems that touch women’s lives. Diagnosis and care are often late, inconsistent, or inaccessible. And there is evidence to back this — a Yale University review of insurance claims showed while 60% of women with significant symptoms of menopause seek treatment, almost 75% are left untreated. Training is part of the problem. In one study, half of family medicine doctors reported only a single lecture on menopause during training, and one in five reported none at all. The workforce impact is visible. Research indicates that one in four women has considered leaving work during the transition, and one in ten who have worked through menopause left a job because of their symptoms. This is not only a productivity story, it is also one of opportunity cost. It is a story about experienced leaders stepping back, about teams losing anchors, and about families absorbing avoidable stress.

As an Expert Member of the one-of-its-kind multistakeholder platform, the World Economic Forum’s Global Alliance for Women’s Health, as well as an expert medical advisor at acclaimed actress, director, producer, advocate, and entrepreneur, Halle Berry’s menopause care platform, Respin Health, I see how quickly the conversation shifts when evidence meets execution. These organisations are helping translate science into clinical standards and employer policies, while informing policy frameworks that leaders can adopt and fund. Advocacy is meaningful when it results in actions that are easy to copy, measure, and sustain. Our work with Halle Berry, who recently joined the Global Alliance for Women’s Health as Public Ambassador, showcases the sheer appetite and momentum that exists to redefine menopause and empower women to be the guardians of their own health. The path is known. What remains is follow-through.

“When we leave women to figure menopause out alone, we pay a grave price in health, productivity, and our very own dignity. We have to normalize this conversation about menopause. We have to make guidance useable. We have to improve access to quality care, and we need to invest in research and innovation,” said Halle Berry. 

Health care is the first place to start

Menopause should be part of routine primary care, not a specialty service that only a few can reach. Screening can begin during routine visits for women in their forties and fifties, with clear pathways for counselling and treatment. Evidence based options include lifestyle approaches, non-hormonal treatments, and, when appropriate and safe, hormonal therapies guided by informed choice. Care should consider mental health and cardiometabolic risk, since sleep disruption, mood changes, and metabolic shifts often travel together. Referral pathways must connect primary care, gynaecology, mental health, and cardiometabolic services so women are not left to navigate a maze with contradictory advice. This is not about boutique clinics for the few. It is about equipping the front lines to meet a ubiquitous need.

Workplaces are the next lever. Simple adjustments can make a meaningful difference. Flexibility where feasible, paid time off for symptom flare days, and practical measures like temperature control and quiet rest areas reduce the friction that turns symptoms into lost days. Benefits should name menopause explicitly, so women know coverage exists. Manager training should normalize support without forcing disclosure. Employers who measure retention, error rates, and team performance before and after adopting these practices will find what many have already learned. Small investments stabilize teams and pay for themselves.

Research and product design must close the data gap and raise the bar for solutions. Studies should reflect the diversity of real women, including race, age, and co existing conditions. Endpoints should be comparable so clinicians and consumers can tell what works and for whom. Digital tools and consumer products that target sleep, cognition, thermoregulation, and pelvic health should be evaluated against evidence standards and priced for broad access. Innovation is welcome. So is rigor. Women deserve both.

Policy and financing can turn best practice into the baseline

Essential menopause services belong in national primary health packages and in public and private insurance coverage. Governments can accelerate employer adoption with clear standards, public recognition, and targeted incentives that reward organizations for implementing menopause supportive policies. Public information campaigns can replace stigma with practical knowledge for women, partners, managers, and clinicians. Countries should publish a small set of indicators that matter in daily life. Time to diagnosis, treatment access, and workforce participation are simple to understand and powerful to track. Accountability is easier when the yardstick is clear.

Why does this matter beyond the clinic and the workplace? Because when women’s health is prioritized, families and economies function better. Earlier diagnosis and appropriate treatment reduce absenteeism. Menopause supportive workplaces keep experienced talent on the job and reduce turnover. Good care prevents avoidable complications that are costly later. These mechanisms repeat across millions of women and thousands of organizations. The cumulative effect shows up in national productivity. The more important return, however, is human. Better sleep, clearer thinking, steadier mood, and restored confidence change how women experience midlife. That is growth measured in dignity and opportunity.

Effective advocacy pairs public leadership with technical depth and coordinated action. Public figures help make the issue relatable. Researchers and clinicians define what quality care looks like. Cross-sector forums align employers, health systems, and governments on practical standards and timelines. This combination turns awareness into accountable implementation. This is where platforms such as the Global Alliance for Women’s Health and the International Menopause Society bring real value to the conversation — by bringing together experts and leaders to make the shift from intention to implementation. 

What should happen now?

Health systems can add a brief screening and counselling step to routine primary care visits and build simple referral pathways that do not collapse under real world pressure. Medical schools and continuing education providers can strengthen training, so the next generation of clinicians starts on firmer ground. Employers can publish a menopause policy, train managers, and update benefits language so support is easy to find. Researchers can design studies that reflect the diversity of women and use shared endpoints that allow transparent comparisons. Policymakers can put menopause care in the basic benefit package and require transparent reporting on access and outcomes. None of these actions is a moonshot. Each is a choice that aligns with what we already know.

Culture change travels alongside policy change. Partners can listen without judgment. Friends can share what has helped them. Community leaders can include menopause in health talks that already reach women where they live and work. The tone matters. Precision matters. A plan matters. Together they create an environment where a woman does not have to spend years searching for a name for her symptoms or for a path to relief.

World Menopause Day should not be a once-a-year reminder. It should be a yearly accountability moment that asks a simple question: Did we make it easier this year for women to find accurate information, timely care, and practical support? If the answer is yes, the benefits will be visible in clinics, workplaces, homes, and countries.

The path is clear — what remains is resolve. Let us act today so more women can live, work, and thrive tomorrow.

The opinions expressed in Fortune.com commentary pieces are solely the views of their authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Fortune.



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49-year-old Democrat who owns a gourmet olive oil store swipes another historically Republican district from Trump and Republicans

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Democrat Eric Gisler claimed an upset victory Tuesday in a special election in a historically Republican Georgia state House district.

Gisler said he was the winner of the contest, in which he was leading Republican Mack “Dutch” Guest by about 200 votes out of more than 11,000 in final unofficial returns.

Robert Sinners, a spokesperson with the secretary of state’s office, said there could be a few provisional ballots left before the tally is finalized.

“I think we had the right message for the time,” Gisler told The Associated Press in a phone interview. He credited his win to Democratic enthusiasm but also said some Republicans were looking for a change.

“A lot of what I would call traditional conservatives held their nose and voted Republican last year on the promise of low prices and whatever else they were selling,” Gisler said. “But they hadn’t received that.”

Guest did not immediately respond to a text message seeking comment late Tuesday.

Democrats have seen a number of electoral successes in 2025 as the party’s voters have been eager to express dissatisfaction with Republican President Donald Trump.

In Georgia in November, they romped to two blowouts in statewide special elections for the Public Service Commission, unseating two incumbent Republicans in campaigns driven by discontent over rising electricity costs.

Nationwide, Democrats won governor’s races by broad margins in Virginia and New Jersey. On Tuesday a Democrat defeated a Trump-endorsed Republican in the officially nonpartisan race for Miami mayor, becoming the first from his party to win the post in nearly 30 years.

Democrats have also performed strongly in some races they lost, such as a Tennessee U.S. House race last week and a Georgia state Senate race in September.

Republicans remain firmly in control of the Georgia House, but their majority is likely fall to 99-81 when lawmakers return in January. Also Tuesday, voters in a second, heavily Republican district in Atlanta’s northwest suburbs sent Republican Bill Fincher and Democrat Scott Sanders to a Jan. 6 runoff to fill a vacancy created when Rep. Mandi Ballinger died.

The GOP majority is down from 119 Republicans in 2015. It would be the first time the GOP holds fewer than 100 seats in the lower chamber since 2005, when they won control for the first time since Reconstruction.

The race between Gisler and Guest in House District 121 in the Athens area northeast of Atlanta was held to replace Republican Marcus Wiedower, who was in the seat since 2018 but resigned in the middle of this term to focus on business interests.

Most of the district is in Oconee County, a Republican suburb of Athens, reaching into heavily Democratic Athens-Clarke County. Republicans gerrymandered Athens-Clarke to include one strongly Democratic district, parceling out the rest of the county into three seats intended to be Republican.

Gisler ran against Wiedower in 2024, losing 61% to 39%. This year was Guest’s first time running for office.

A Democrat briefly won control of the district in a 2017 special election but lost to Wiedower in 2018.

Gisler, a 49-year-old Watkinsville resident, works for an insurance technology company and owns a gourmet olive oil store. He campaigned on improving health care, increasing affordability and reinvesting Georgia’s surplus funds

Guest is the president of a trucking company and touted his community ties, promising to improve public safety and cut taxes. He was endorsed by Republican Gov. Brian Kemp, an Athens native, and raised far more in campaign contributions than Gisler.



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Rivian CEO says it’s a misconception EVs are politicized, with a 50-50 party split among R1 buyers

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If Rivian’s sales are any indication, owning an electric vehicle isn’t such a partisan issue, despite President Donald Trump’s rollbacks of mandates, incentives, and targets for EVs.

At the Fortune Brainstorm AI conference in San Francisco on Tuesday, Rivian CEO RJ Scaringe said it’s a misconception that electrification is politicized, explaining that most customers buy a product based on how it fits their needs, not their ideology. The questions car buyers ask, he said, are the same whether they’re purchasing one with an internal-combustion engine or a battery: “Is it exciting? Are you attracted to the product? Does it draw you in? Does the brand positioning resonate with you? Do the features answer needs that you have?”

Buyers of Rivian’s R1 electric SUV are split roughly 50-50 between Republicans and Democrats, Scaringe told Fortune’s Andrew Nusca. “I think that’s extraordinarily powerful news for us to recognize—that this isn’t just left-leaning buyers,” he added. “These are people that are saying, ‘I like the idea of this product, I’m excited about it.’ And this is thousands and thousands of customers. This is statistically relevant information.”

Buying an EV was once an indication of left-leaning politics, but the politics got scrambled after Tesla CEO Elon Musk became the top Republican donor and a close adviser to Trump. That drew some new customers to Tesla, and turned off a lot of progressive EV buyers, with many existing owners putting bumper stickers on their Teslas explaining that they bought their cars before Musk’s hard-right turn. Trump and Musk later had a stunning public feud, in part over the administration’s elimination of EV and solar tax credits.

But Scaringe said he started Rivian with a long-term view, independent of any policy framework or political trends. He also insisted that if Americans have more EV choices, sales would follow. Right now, Tesla dominates a key corner of the market, namely EVs in the $50,000 price range. Rivian’s forthcoming R2 mid-size SUV will represent a new choice in that market, with a starting price of $45,000 versus the R1’s $70,000.

Ten years from now, Scaringe said he hopes—and believes—that EV adoption in the U.S. will be meaningfully higher than it is today across the board, explaining that the main constraint isn’t on the demand side. Instead, it’s on the supply side, which suffers from “a shocking lack of choice,” especially compared to Europe and China, he added. EV options in the U.S. are limited by the fact that Chinese brands are shut out of the market.

More choices for U.S. EV buyers would presumably create more competition for Rivian—and indeed, the flood of low-priced Chinese EVs in other auto markets has created a backlash, with countries such as Canada imposing steep tariffs on them. But Scaringe appears to view more competition as positive for the market overall.

“I do think that the existence of choice will help drive more penetration, and it actually creates a unique opportunity in the United States,” he said.



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Powell warns of a ‘very unusual’ economy as inflation remains high amid a weakening job market

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Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell on Wednesday described the U.S. economy as “very unusual,” saying policymakers are navigating a rare combination of tariff-driven goods inflation and a labor market that may already be weaker than official data suggests.

The Fed cut interest rates for the third consecutive meeting, a quarter-point reduction Powell framed not as a confident pivot toward easier policy, but as a defensive move meant to keep the labor market from slipping further. He repeatedly emphasized risks to employment have risen “in recent months,” and noted that behind the headline numbers, job creation may already be negative.

Powell made the striking admission the Fed believes the official payroll figures—which have slowed sharply since the summer—are overstating job growth by roughly 60,000 per month. 

“Forty thousand jobs could be negative 20,” he said, adding this dynamic is not well understood by the public because unemployment claims remain historically low—something both economists Mark Zandi and Claudia Sahm recently toldFortune could be giving people a false sense of security about the job market.

“I think a world where job creation is negative… we need to watch that very carefully,” Powell said. 

It is this weakening backdrop Powell said makes the current moment “very unusual”: Inflation remains elevated, but most of the remaining overshoot comes from goods categories directly affected by tariffs, as opposed to domestic economic overheating, which he said the Fed has worked hard to cool since its 2022 highs; inflation excluding tariff-affected goods is “in the low [two percent],” he said. Services inflation is cooling, wage pressures are easing, and neither the labor market nor business surveys suggest a “Phillips-curve” kind of inflation threat, Powell said, referring to the inverse relationship between inflation and unemployment. 

Instead, Powell said, the bulk of the problem is a “one-time price increase” pushing up goods categories as import levies work their way through supply chains. Goods inflation, he noted, should peak around the first quarter of 2026, assuming no additional tariff rounds.

Those crosscurrents have fractured the Fed. Three officials formally dissented from the rate cut on Wednesday, and several others offered what Powell described as “soft dissents,” when an official’s personal projection falls out of what they ultimately voted for. There were six such “soft dissents” this time, during one of the deepest divides inside the FOMC in years, driven by disagreement over how to weigh the risks of lingering inflation against the possibility that job growth is weaker—and much more fragile—than reported.

Powell stressed that policymakers cannot simply choose one mandate to prioritize. 

“There is no risk-free path,” he said, a refrain he’s repeated for months. “When both sides of the mandate are threatened, you should be kind of neutral.” 

He characterized the current stance as being at the “high end” of neutral, allowing the Fed to “wait and see” how the data evolve.



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