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Trump blames ‘Too Late Powell’ for a housing crisis—but top analysts say low rates ‘snapped the trap shut’ on Millennial and Gen Z homeowners in the first place

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A housing crisis is the stick the White House has selected to beat Fed chairman Jerome Powell with. “Could somebody please inform Jerome ‘Too Late’ Powell that he is hurting the housing industry, very badly?” the president wrote on Truth Social earlier this year. “People can’t get a mortgage because of him.”

Elsewhere, Trump’s housing chief called Powell a “maniac,” and Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent placed the blame for a property squeeze at the Fed’s feet. He argued: “The biggest hindrance for housing is mortgage rates. If the Fed brings down mortgage rates, then they can end this housing recession.”

If only it were that simple.

While the Fed is in control of the short-term interest rate—which can influence mortgages in the longer run to some extent—the market is demonstrating that lenders have rarely cared less about what the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) is doing.

“Despite 125 basis points of Fed cuts since September 2024, the spread between mortgage rates outstanding and new mortgage rates is over 2%, the highest in 40 years, indicating that more cuts may be necessary to spur housing activity,” Morgan Stanley wrote in a note at the end of October, before Powell delivered another cut.

Even then, mortgage rates have barely wobbled and still sit stubbornly at around 6.2%.

Powell’s—or indeed his successor’s—influence over the property market won’t return any time soon, warned economists. While the outcome of the FOMC’s cutting regime could spur spending, for savers desperately stockpiling for that all-important deposit, lower rates are only adding salt to the wound.

Housing has been the Fed’s fault—but not right now

The Fed’s policy at present can’t be blamed for the state of the housing market, argues Dr David Kelly, chief global strategist and head of the global market insights strategy team for JP Morgan Asset Management. It’s the Fed’s actions in the past that are the problem.

“The Fed can be faulted for its behavior with regard to the housing market for many years, but the real fault is not that they are keeping rates too high today, it is that they kept rates way too low, for way too long, after the great financial crisis,” Kelly tells Fortune in an exclusive interview.  

Between the end of 2008 and late 2015 the U.S. base rate was effectively zero, before climbing to approximately 2.4% in 2019, before being dramatically axed again because of the COVID pandemic. This resulted in “abnormally low mortgage rates” which were maintained for a sustained period of time, Kelly added, “it encouraged everybody to buy a house and to bid up prices.”

He explained: “The question was never how much is this house worth, but how much can you afford? If mortgage rates are 3%, people could afford a lot. When the Federal Reserve normalized rates, they sort of snapped the trap shut.”

Buying a home has become increasingly unaffordable for first-time buyers, even in the past few years. Per data from the National Association of Realtors, in 2022 its housing affordability index stood at 108, with a value of 100 representing a family with the median income having exactly enough income to qualify for a mortgage on a median-priced home. By 2025, this had dropped to 97.4, meaning the average family doesn’t have the income to be eligible for a mortgage on a median-priced home.

Moreover, the problem for many buyers isn’t necessarily paying the debt off over time; it’s gathering the all-important deposit needed to secure a mortgage in the first place. While zero-down-payment mortgages are widely offered in markets like the U.K., they are more exclusive in the U.S., typically reserved for buyers such as veterans and those purchasing in specific rural areas. For consumers who don’t qualify, it’s a big ask: A November study from Empower reported one in three Americans have around $500 in emergency savings, a key barrier to stockpiling more was the current cost of living.

Can the Fed help at all?

Under “normal” economic circumstances, a lower Fed rate should trickle through to lower mortgage lending, Morgan Stanley’s head of U.S. policy, Monica Guerra, tells Fortune. But we are not in normal economic circumstances.

Current tightness in the property market stems from limited housing stock, those lower rates, and the altered appetite of buyers during the pandemic, she explained: “My belief behind all this is that we have a significant impact from the Millennials who ended up buying during COVID and picking up the last of that supply that was available at really low interest rates.”

While current cuts aren’t having a meaningful impact on mortgages, she added, when a reduction of a further 50bps is reached, then lenders may begin to take notice, though “it may not be an immediate, full return to normal.”

Guerra authored the note highlighting the decades-high spread between the Fed funds rate and current mortgage offers, signalling the weak influence the FOMC currently has over the property market. But this could change, she added: “I think the spread is going to come down, it’s going to compress, meaning that the Fed will have—over time—more control. Even with tariffs we’re going to get more certainty as we close out this year of what that’s going to look like and what that could mean to term premiums.” (Tariffs could prove a reason for rates to stay high as the FOMC wrangles with their inflationary effects.)

Is there a silver bullet?

Guerra argues that while the Fed controls a key lever in the mechanics of the property market, Washington policy isn’t the only factor at play. Particularly in a K-shaped economy, where the fortunes of the wealthy and those on the lower end of the income spectrum diverge markedly, it’s essential to maintain focus on factors that drive the real economy.

Income inequality is an “incredibly important issue,” Guerra began, and “the have-nots in this scenario … may feel the greatest pressure.”

The federal government has limited sway over state and local policy when it comes to housing red tape, be it zoning, affordable home quotas, code issues, tax frameworks and so on, all of which “drastically impact” where people can live, she said. “It’s important when we’re thinking about affordability to acknowledge that it’s not just the federal government… yes, they play a primary role in people’s access to leverage to getting that mortgage and to lever up to buy a home, but in order to make it affordable, it’s also what’s happening at the local level right from a zoning, tax, and policy angle,” she added.

The umbrella issue with America’s property market is affordability, argues Liam Bailey, global head of research at real estate consultancy Knight Frank, with Gen Z and Millennials suffering the sharpest end: “Anyone who’s entering the market for the first time is probably most affected,” he said.

The underlying factors impacting house prices aren’t in the Fed’s power to fix, he adds in an exclusive interview with Fortune. The first problem is that all-important down payment, the savings rate on which is swiftly dropping every time the FOMC cuts. Another is the tight supply of housing stock, and the third is the increase in household income over the past 50 years, as societal shifts saw more women working and as a result, families had more money to escalate prices.

A factor that could ease a great deal of friction in the market is also increasing the motivation to move: Rather, ensuring homeowners don’t lose their 30-year low mortgage deals.

“The problem comes when you have an interest rate shock like we’ve had recently. The market just basically closes down because why would anyone move off their 3% fixed to a 7% mortgage by moving house?” Bailey explained. “They just wouldn’t, so they don’t move and then the whole thing just grinds to a halt.”



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Senate Dems’ plan to fix Obamacare premiums adds nearly $300 billion to deficit, CRFB says

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The Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget (CRFB) is a nonpartisan watchdog that regularly estimates how much the U.S. Congress is adding to the $38 trillion national debt.

With enhanced Affordable Care Act (ACA) subsidies due to expire within days, some Senate Democrats are scrambling to protect millions of Americans from getting the unpleasant holiday gift of spiking health insurance premiums. The CRFB says there’s just one problem with the plan: It’s not funded.

“With the national debt as large as the economy and interest payments costing $1 trillion annually, it is absurd to suggest adding hundreds of billions more to the debt,” CRFB President Maya MacGuineas wrote in a statement on Friday afternoon.

The proposal, backed by members of the Senate Democratic caucus, would fully extend the enhanced ACA subsidies for three years, from 2026 through 2028, with no additional income limits on who can qualify. Those subsidies, originally boosted during the pandemic and later renewed, were designed to lower premiums and prevent coverage losses for middle‑ and lower‑income households purchasing insurance on the ACA exchanges.

CRFB estimated that even this three‑year extension alone would add roughly $300 billion to federal deficits over the next decade, largely because the federal government would continue to shoulder a larger share of premium costs while enrollment and subsidy amounts remain elevated. If Congress ultimately moves to make the enhanced subsidies permanent—as many advocates have urged—the total cost could swell to nearly $550 billion in additional borrowing over the next decade.

Reversing recent guardrails

MacGuineas called the Senate bill “far worse than even a debt-financed extension” as it would roll back several “program integrity” measures that were enacted as part of a 2025 reconciliation law and were intended to tighten oversight of ACA subsidies. On top of that, it would be funded by borrowing even more. “This is a bad idea made worse,” MacGuineas added.

The watchdog group’s central critique is that the new Senate plan does not attempt to offset its costs through spending cuts or new revenue and, in their view, goes beyond a simple extension by expanding the underlying subsidy structure.

The legislation would permanently repeal restrictions that eliminated subsidies for certain groups enrolling during special enrollment periods and would scrap rules requiring full repayment of excess advance subsidies and stricter verification of eligibility and tax reconciliation. The bill would also nullify portions of a 2025 federal regulation that loosened limits on the actuarial value of exchange plans and altered how subsidies are calculated, effectively reshaping how generous plans can be and how federal support is determined. CRFB warned these reversals would increase costs further while weakening safeguards designed to reduce misuse and error in the subsidy system.

MacGuineas said that any subsidy extension should be paired with broader reforms to curb health spending and reduce overall borrowing. In her view, lawmakers are missing a chance to redesign ACA support in a way that lowers premiums while also improving the long‑term budget outlook.

The debate over ACA subsidies recently contributed to a government funding standoff, and CRFB argued that the new Senate bill reflects a political compromise that prioritizes short‑term relief over long‑term fiscal responsibility.

“After a pointless government shutdown over this issue, it is beyond disappointing that this is the preferred solution to such an important issue,” MacGuineas wrote.

The off-year elections cast the government shutdown and cost-of-living arguments in a different light. Democrats made stunning gains and almost flipped a deep-red district in Tennessee as politicians from the far left and center coalesced around “affordability.”

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer is reportedly smelling blood in the water and doubling down on the theme heading into the pivotal midterm elections of 2026. President Donald Trump is scheduled to visit Pennsylvania soon to discuss pocketbook anxieties. But he is repeating predecessor Joe Biden’s habit of dismissing inflation, despite widespread evidence to the contrary.

“We fixed inflation, and we fixed almost everything,” Trump said in a Tuesday cabinet meeting, in which he also dismissed affordability as a “hoax” pushed by Democrats.​

Lawmakers on both sides of the aisle now face a politically fraught choice: allow premiums to jump sharply—including in swing states like Pennsylvania where ACA enrollees face double‑digit increases—or pass an expensive subsidy extension that would, as CRFB calculates, explode the deficit without addressing underlying health care costs.



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Netflix–Warner Bros. deal sets up $72 billion antitrust test

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Netflix Inc. has won the heated takeover battle for Warner Bros. Discovery Inc. Now it must convince global antitrust regulators that the deal won’t give it an illegal advantage in the streaming market. 

The $72 billion tie-up joins the world’s dominant paid streaming service with one of Hollywood’s most iconic movie studios. It would reshape the market for online video content by combining the No. 1 streaming player with the No. 4 service HBO Max and its blockbuster hits such as Game Of ThronesFriends, and the DC Universe comics characters franchise.  

That could raise red flags for global antitrust regulators over concerns that Netflix would have too much control over the streaming market. The company faces a lengthy Justice Department review and a possible US lawsuit seeking to block the deal if it doesn’t adopt some remedies to get it cleared, analysts said.

“Netflix will have an uphill climb unless it agrees to divest HBO Max as well as additional behavioral commitments — particularly on licensing content,” said Bloomberg Intelligence analyst Jennifer Rie. “The streaming overlap is significant,” she added, saying the argument that “the market should be viewed more broadly is a tough one to win.”

By choosing Netflix, Warner Bros. has jilted another bidder, Paramount Skydance Corp., a move that risks touching off a political battle in Washington. Paramount is backed by the world’s second-richest man, Larry Ellison, and his son, David Ellison, and the company has touted their longstanding close ties to President Donald Trump. Their acquisition of Paramount, which closed in August, has won public praise from Trump. 

Comcast Corp. also made a bid for Warner Bros., looking to merge it with its NBCUniversal division.

The Justice Department’s antitrust division, which would review the transaction in the US, could argue that the deal is illegal on its face because the combined market share would put Netflix well over a 30% threshold.

The White House, the Justice Department and Comcast didn’t immediately respond to requests for comment. 

US lawmakers from both parties, including Republican Representative Darrell Issa and Democratic Senator Elizabeth Warren have already faulted the transaction — which would create a global streaming giant with 450 million users — as harmful to consumers.

“This deal looks like an anti-monopoly nightmare,” Warren said after the Netflix announcement. Utah Senator Mike Lee, a Republican, said in a social media post earlier this week that a Warner Bros.-Netflix tie-up would raise more serious competition questions “than any transaction I’ve seen in about a decade.”

European Union regulators are also likely to subject the Netflix proposal to an intensive review amid pressure from legislators. In the UK, the deal has already drawn scrutiny before the announcement, with House of Lords member Baroness Luciana Berger pressing the government on how the transaction would impact competition and consumer prices.

The combined company could raise prices and broadly impact “culture, film, cinemas and theater releases,”said Andreas Schwab, a leading member of the European Parliament on competition issues, after the announcement.

Paramount has sought to frame the Netflix deal as a non-starter. “The simple truth is that a deal with Netflix as the buyer likely will never close, due to antitrust and regulatory challenges in the United States and in most jurisdictions abroad,” Paramount’s antitrust lawyers wrote to their counterparts at Warner Bros. on Dec. 1.

Appealing directly to Trump could help Netflix avoid intense antitrust scrutiny, New Street Research’s Blair Levin wrote in a note on Friday. Levin said it’s possible that Trump could come to see the benefit of switching from a pro-Paramount position to a pro-Netflix position. “And if he does so, we believe the DOJ will follow suit,” Levin wrote.

Netflix co-Chief Executive Officer Ted Sarandos had dinner with Trump at the president’s Mar-a-Lago resort in Florida last December, a move other CEOs made after the election in order to win over the administration. In a call with investors Friday morning, Sarandos said that he’s “highly confident in the regulatory process,” contending the deal favors consumers, workers and innovation. 

“Our plans here are to work really closely with all the appropriate governments and regulators, but really confident that we’re going to get all the necessary approvals that we need,” he said.

Netflix will likely argue to regulators that other video services such as Google’s YouTube and ByteDance Ltd.’s TikTok should be included in any analysis of the market, which would dramatically shrink the company’s perceived dominance.

The US Federal Communications Commission, which regulates the transfer of broadcast-TV licenses, isn’t expected to play a role in the deal, as neither hold such licenses. Warner Bros. plans to spin off its cable TV division, which includes channels such as CNN, TBS and TNT, before the sale.

Even if antitrust reviews just focus on streaming, Netflix believes it will ultimately prevail, pointing to Amazon.com Inc.’s Prime and Walt Disney Co. as other major competitors, according to people familiar with the company’s thinking. 

Netflix is expected to argue that more than 75% of HBO Max subscribers already subscribe to Netflix, making them complementary offerings rather than competitors, said the people, who asked not to be named discussing confidential deliberations. The company is expected to make the case that reducing its content costs through owning Warner Bros., eliminating redundant back-end technology and bundling Netflix with Max will yield lower prices.



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The rise of AI reasoning models comes with a big energy tradeoff

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Nearly all leading artificial intelligence developers are focused on building AI models that mimic the way humans reason, but new research shows these cutting-edge systems can be far more energy intensive, adding to concerns about AI’s strain on power grids.

AI reasoning models used 30 times more power on average to respond to 1,000 written prompts than alternatives without this reasoning capability or which had it disabled, according to a study released Thursday. The work was carried out by the AI Energy Score project, led by Hugging Face research scientist Sasha Luccioni and Salesforce Inc. head of AI sustainability Boris Gamazaychikov.

The researchers evaluated 40 open, freely available AI models, including software from OpenAI, Alphabet Inc.’s Google and Microsoft Corp. Some models were found to have a much wider disparity in energy consumption, including one from Chinese upstart DeepSeek. A slimmed-down version of DeepSeek’s R1 model used just 50 watt hours to respond to the prompts when reasoning was turned off, or about as much power as is needed to run a 50 watt lightbulb for an hour. With the reasoning feature enabled, the same model required 7,626 watt hours to complete the tasks.

The soaring energy needs of AI have increasingly come under scrutiny. As tech companies race to build more and bigger data centers to support AI, industry watchers have raised concerns about straining power grids and raising energy costs for consumers. A Bloomberg investigation in September found that wholesale electricity prices rose as much as 267% over the past five years in areas near data centers. There are also environmental drawbacks, as Microsoft, Google and Amazon.com Inc. have previously acknowledged the data center buildout could complicate their long-term climate objectives

More than a year ago, OpenAI released its first reasoning model, called o1. Where its prior software replied almost instantly to queries, o1 spent more time computing an answer before responding. Many other AI companies have since released similar systems, with the goal of solving more complex multistep problems for fields like science, math and coding.

Though reasoning systems have quickly become the industry norm for carrying out more complicated tasks, there has been little research into their energy demands. Much of the increase in power consumption is due to reasoning models generating much more text when responding, the researchers said. 

The new report aims to better understand how AI energy needs are evolving, Luccioni said. She also hopes it helps people better understand that there are different types of AI models suited to different actions. Not every query requires tapping the most computationally intensive AI reasoning systems.

“We should be smarter about the way that we use AI,” Luccioni said. “Choosing the right model for the right task is important.”

To test the difference in power use, the researchers ran all the models on the same computer hardware. They used the same prompts for each, ranging from simple questions — such as asking which team won the Super Bowl in a particular year — to more complex math problems. They also used a software tool called CodeCarbon to track how much energy was being consumed in real time.

The results varied considerably. The researchers found one of Microsoft’s Phi 4 reasoning models used 9,462 watt hours with reasoning turned on, compared with about 18 watt hours with it off. OpenAI’s largest gpt-oss model, meanwhile, had a less stark difference. It used 8,504 watt hours with reasoning on the most computationally intensive “high” setting and 5,313 watt hours with the setting turned down to “low.” 

OpenAI, Microsoft, Google and DeepSeek did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Google released internal research in August that estimated the median text prompt for its Gemini AI service used 0.24 watt-hours of energy, roughly equal to watching TV for less than nine seconds. Google said that figure was “substantially lower than many public estimates.” 

Much of the discussion about AI power consumption has focused on large-scale facilities set up to train artificial intelligence systems. Increasingly, however, tech firms are shifting more resources to inference, or the process of running AI systems after they’ve been trained. The push toward reasoning models is a big piece of that as these systems are more reliant on inference.

Recently, some tech leaders have acknowledged that AI’s power draw needs to be reckoned with. Microsoft CEO Satya Nadella said the industry must earn the “social permission to consume energy” for AI data centers in a November interview. To do that, he argued tech must use AI to do good and foster broad economic growth.



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