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The device filtering mirage — why mandated content controls fall short

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Across state capitals, including in Tallahassee, legislators face the pressing question of digital safety. Parents — the primary guardians of their teenagers well-being — rightfully seek assurance that their teens can benefit from modern technology while avoiding inappropriate content on smartphones and tablets.

Yet among the array of proposed safeguards, device-level filtering emerges as a well-intentioned but problematic approach that promises more than it can deliver.

This strategy, mandating manufacturer-installed content restrictions, has been rejected in numerous legislatures for good reason. Not merely because of implementation challenges, but because it represents a fundamental shift from relying on parents’ judgment to Silicon Valley’s judgment while simultaneously undermining the market’s demonstrated capacity to provide diverse solutions to complex problems.

On its face, device filtering legislation dangles a seductively simple solution before lawmakers. Its advocates — armed with righteous indignation and often lacking technological savvy — contend that device manufacturers need merely “flip a switch” to activate latent filtering capabilities already embedded within our devices. This argument, while rhetorically compelling, collapses under even modest scrutiny.

True, our devices come equipped with rudimentary filtering technology — a fact proponents brandish as evidence that their demands impose no burden on manufacturers.

However, this argument shows a fundamental misunderstanding of how filters function. The built-in filters that device-mandate proponents eagerly cite operate exclusively within the walled gardens of native web browsers. They stand powerless — utterly impotent — against the torrent of harmful content flowing through third-party browsers or the vast ecosystem of mobile applications that constitute the modern digital experience.

This is not a minor technical distinction but a fatal flaw that renders this particular legislative approach a hollow performance of protection rather than one of substance — the worst kind of regulatory theater that combines maximum governmental intrusion with minimum effectiveness while offering parents a false sense of security instead of genuine solutions.

Perhaps most concerning, these mandates would transfer content decisions from Florida families to Silicon Valley boardrooms — all under the child protection banner.

These proposals don’t merely face technical challenges; they fundamentally shift authority by undermining parental discretion and outsourcing content decisions to distant tech executives whose priorities and perspectives often differ significantly from those of many Florida families.

In a world where device filters become law, technology executives would become the arbiters of what constitutes “harmful” or “age-inappropriate” — not parents.

This arrangement would significantly diminish parental autonomy, centralizing crucial developmental decisions in the hands of companies whose values may not reflect Florida’s diverse communities’ values or cultural sensibilities. Our democratic tradition has long recognized that those closest to children — their parents — not distant corporate entities or government are best positioned to guide their development.

Device filtering legislation challenges this principle, potentially inserting Silicon Valley’s judgment when lawmakers should reaffirm the authority of parents across the Sunshine State.

Device filtering mandates also raise concerns about their impact on the thriving market of existing solutions. Across Florida today, a flourishing ecosystem of filtering solutions—developed through innovation and shaped by parental demand — offers families an impressive array of digital protection options tailored to their specific values and concerns.

Religious parents can select software that shields their children not only from age-inappropriate content but also from material that conflicts with their faith traditions. Secular families can choose tools calibrated to block harmful content without imposing faith-based restrictions. Still, others might prioritize filtering references to substances or behaviors they deem inappropriate for their particular child’s development stage.

This diversity of options — thousands of solutions competing in a vibrant marketplace — represents technological innovation responding directly to family needs. By mandating standardized filtering at the device level, legislators would undermine the very innovation ecosystem that has produced increasingly sophisticated and customizable protection tools.

A government mandate might weaken the market forces that have guided developers to create more effective filtering solutions. This could potentially reduce the competitive pressures that drive innovation and leave families with fewer, not more, effective options for protecting their children according to their own values and priorities.

For legislators and parents grappling with the challenge of shielding teenagers from digital dangers, mandated device filtering presents a seemingly elegant solution — a technological panacea promising to safeguard young minds with minimal effort.

However, as with many policy proposals that promise simple fixes to complex social problems, this approach conceals significant flaws beneath its appealing veneer.

Were Florida to embrace such mandates, it would not only create a dangerous illusion of protection for parents but would effectively outsource critical child-rearing decisions to distant Silicon Valley boardrooms while simultaneously undermining the diverse ecosystem of customizable filtering tools that parents currently use to align digital boundaries with their specific family values.

The proposal ultimately offers no genuine protection but a Potemkin village of safety—impressive in facade but empty of substance.

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Dr. Edward Longe is the national strategy director at the Center for Technology and Innovation at The James Madison Institute.


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Disabled firefighter benefits advance in Senate

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Costs to local governments are unknown, but the bill is moving in the House as well.

A bill that could ensure that firefighters hurt in training will retain insurance is moving in the Senate, with the Appropriations Committee moving it forward.

SB 1202 would ensure firefighters who are totally and permanently disabled in training exercises would still have insurance coverage for themselves and their families, including spouses and children under the age of 25.

Total and permanent disability must be determined by two independent doctors to qualify for this coverage.

Republican Sen. Stan McClain, the bill’s sponsor, said if the bill becomes law, this class of firefighters “will receive the same family health insurance premium benefits as those injured in emergency response.”

“The bill closes a critical gap in current law recognizing that official training exercises are essential to firefighter readiness and safety,” he added ahead of the unanimous vote to advance the proposal.

Republican Rep. Judson Sapp’s bill (HB 749) is also moving in the House. It is the companion to the Senate bill.

One potential complication for the legislation could be in its fiscal impact to local governments, which is unknown at this point but which looms as a possible problem.

If the unfunded mandate exceeds $2.4 million, then a supermajority in the House and the Senate must approve the legislation. Language in the bill already stipulates that, if approved, the Legislature believes the language “fulfills an important state interest.”


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Ron DeSantis squashes ‘squish’ Randy Fine, says CD 6 voters ‘took one for the team’ in electing him

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Gov. Ron DeSantis is slamming a former legislative nemesis for winning his old congressional seat.

DeSantis, the former Congressman from Florida’s 6th Congressional District, derided U.S. Rep.-elect Randy Fine as a “squish” who needed President Donald Trump and millions of dollars of outside help to win because he couldn’t connect with voters.

I think these are voters who didn’t like Randy Fine, but who basically were like, ‘You know what? We’re going to take one for the team. The President needs another vote up there. And so we’re going to do it,’” DeSantis said in Ocala at a press conference.

The Governor said Trump “really had to bail him out at the end because this race would have been much closer had the President sat on the sidelines.”

Thus, DeSantis said the outcome shows Trump has “got the juice to be able to get Republicans to go out on Election Day and even vote for a candidate that they’re not crazy about.”

“You know, this guy, I mean he lives like 150 miles away from the district. It’s just an odd fit on that,” DeSantis said of Fine.

The Governor also said on Fox News’ “America’s Newsroom” ahead of the presser that Fine was in “dire straits” because he was a “squish Republican.”

“A lot of money came in to support him late, millions and millions of dollars. But I think what really drove the turnout to make it a little bit more respectable was President Trump doing the tele-town (hall). I think that this was trending to probably a single-digit race (before that),” DeSantis said.

The Governor rejected comparisons between Fine’s margin of victory and the equally underwhelming performance by former Chief Financial Officer Jimmy Patronis in the Special Election in Florida’s 1st Congressional District to fill the opening left by Matt Gaetz.

“Jimmy did get outspent pretty significantly. Randy did not get outspent if you count the PAC money that came in to support him,” DeSantis said.

“So when you look at these races and you’re comparing margins, if you don’t have money behind you, your margin’s going to be less because not as many people know the election and all this stuff. So I attribute that to that. I think if they had put the same amount of effort in terms of bringing money in, I think Jimmy’s margin would have been better.”

DeSantis spent much of Election Day slamming Fine, saying Trump got “bad advice” to back him in the CD 6 contest. Clearly, DeSantis still has more to say even after the election.

He also noted on Wednesday that his attempt to secure Fine the presidency of Florida Atlantic University failed because the entire board would have resigned if he’d gotten the job.


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Ron DeSantis says Casey DeSantis won’t announce 2026 plans until after Legislative Session

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The First Lady won’t launch her gubernatorial campaign until after Sine Die, if she launches one at all.

That’s the message Gov. Ron DeSantis gave to Fox News viewers about Casey DeSantis’ political ambitions.

“We have our Legislative Session going on right now. I would say stay tuned, but we’re going to get through this, which lasts until the early part of May,” the Governor said.

The “stay tuned” language should be familiar, as it was how Ron DeSantis built anticipation for his gubernatorial run in 2017, his presidential run during the 2023 Legislative Session, and his selection of Ashley Moody to be a U.S. Senator.

President Donald Trump has endorsed U.S. Rep. Byron Donalds already, yet the Governor noted that Casey is “very good friends” with the President and First Lady Melania Trump.

DeSantis said the First Lady is “a remarkable person, a great leader” who has “been in the fight.”

He also implied that if she doesn’t win, Florida could “revert to being a purple state,” which would make some Republicans happy.

I think there’s a lot of folks here, unfortunately, in the political system that would love to see Florida revert back to the good old days when we were a 1-point state. And I don’t want to go back. I want to build off the success,” he said.

The Governor has been teasing Casey’s run this week, saying there’s a “chance” she runs on a podcast interview Tuesday.

Now, though, we have a timeline for a potential announcement.

If the 2023 run is any indication, the official launch would be soon after Sine Die but before the Governor makes decisions on the budget.


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