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Rethinking affordability: policy has to start with how households experience shocks

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Public debate often treats economic disruptions as short-lived problems—sharp swings in prices, employment, or growth that settle once the broader economy finds its footing again. Early November’s election results suggest voters may see things somewhat differently. Candidates who focused squarely on affordability did well because households may be responding, at least in part, to something far more persistent: years of declining economic well-being that do not roll back once the headlines move on. 

For decades, policy conversations have too often accepted a simple assumption: that it is only rational to tolerate short-run turmoil in exchange for long-run stability. In this model, policymakers adjust course—sometimes modestly, sometimes not at all—while workers, small-business owners, jobseekers, and caregivers are expected to weather the turbulence. In theory, these shocks are supposed to fade, and the greater good is served by merely bandaging the complaints of lower-income groups until the headline metrics herald an apparent return to normalcy. In practice, however, households experience these shocks—and their aftermath—very differently. And while some economic turbulence is truly inevitable, appreciating the disconnect between the picture painted by the aggregate indicators and the ripple effects households feel is a necessary step towards identifying policies that can improve affordability. 

Everyday Americans certainly feel the effects of economic shocks that are captured in the headline statistics, but there are many reasons why an improvement in those headline numbers doesn’t map to an improvement in a household’s financial situation. For example, most people don’t budget for the 80,000 goods and services tracked by the Consumer Price Index (CPI). They manage a much smaller set of expenses, e.g. rent, groceries, childcare, utilities, insurance premiums, and a few others. If the weekly grocery bill jumps by $40, that often becomes the new number they have to live with.

Even when market forces eventually push prices down, the clock is rarely fully wound back and wages often fail to keep pace with the new cost realities. A rent increase does not automatically reverse when inflation cools. Childcare prices do not necessarily fall just because CPI moderates. Shocks to essentials are rarely one-time disturbances that disappear when the crisis fades, even if the price increases only once—more often, they become lasting additions to the cost of living, raising the baseline from which working Americans make every subsequent financial decision.  

Recent price surges underscore how rare true reversals are. The CPI for food shows prices decelerating but not reversing from their 2022 spike, a frustration grocery shoppers have experienced firsthand. Milk prices, for example, fell briefly from $4.20 per gallon in January 2023 to $3.86 by May 2024, only to stabilize around $4.00 by August. By November 2025, consumers were paying 25% more for the same purchases than they had in 2019. Egg prices tell a similar story: despite easing from their most serious spikes in January 2023 and March 2025, they remained roughly double their pre-inflation level as of September 2025.  

Housing offers little reassurance. The Zillow Observed Rent Index (ZORI) shows rents jumping more than 15% in 2021. The increases slowed down between 2022 and 2025, but rents did not plunge back to their 2019 level; instead, they resumed climbing at roughly their pre-pandemic pace from a much higher baseline. The end of the inflation shock does not mean a return to affordability—it means the return to typical price movement. For many working households, that means a continuation of the faster-than-CPI-U accumulation that characterized the cost of necessities for the previous two decades. 

Even if a one-time shock dissipates, the damage households sustained in the interim can slow their progress for years. A temporary hit to purchasing power may force a household to take on additional debt or postpone savings for college or retirement—effects that do not show up clearly in present-day headline indicators. From that perspective, a one-time shock at the macro level can easily become a permanent shift in a household’s financial position.  

This distinction explains, in part, why voters responded so strongly to affordability-focused campaigns. They may not be rejecting long-run thinking entirely; rather, they are likely reacting not just to today’s “sticker shock,” but to the reality that the long run they have been living is defined by accumulated, irreversible shocks—none of which appear clearly in top-line indicators. 

For policymakers, the implication is straightforward: there is often no such thing as a one-time effect for households. A shock might disappear from the inflation tables or unemployment charts, but everyday Americans continue to feel its consequences long after the data normalizes. Further, even when a shock resolves at the national level, local communities may continue to struggle if critical employers have downsized or if reduced spending within the community has resulted in a more permanent slowdown. 

From a macroeconomic perspective, shocks do often look temporary. The unemployment rate eventually fell after the 2008 financial crisis. Gross Domestic Product (GDP) rebounded after the 2020 lockdowns. The CPI surge in 2022 slowed as supply chains recovered. From that vantage point, the economy appears to move past each disruption in turn, reinforcing the idea that these are temporary events. 

But this “recovery” story breaks down at the household level much more than policy leaders take into account. In 2021, households reported surviving the initial COVID slowdown by postponing their progress towards financial goals: either by drawing on savings set aside for something else, by taking on additional debt or putting off bills, or making plans to delay retirement. But by 2023, when the slowdown was replaced by inflation, consumers once again leaned on the savings to cover the rising costs of groceries—with nearly one in five relying on funds they had not intended to use for everyday purchases. 

Aggregate indicators do not show how much financial well-being households lost during those periods, how long it will take them to rebuild, or whether they ever will. This is a critical blind spot: the metrics policymakers rely on were never designed to measure the compounding, non-reversible nature of household-level shocks.  

Research from my colleagues at the Ludwig Institute for Shared Economic Prosperity (LISEP) and others shows just how large this gap has become. When inflation rose in 2021, much of the debate framed price increases as a temporary concern overshadowed by the risk of recession. But for many, the pressure had been building for years. Essential expenses had outpaced median wages over the past two decades. For a family of four, between 2001 and 2023: 

  • Rent: 40th percentile rents rose 125%. 
  • Healthcare: Annual health-insurance premiums borne by middle-income workers more than tripled. 
  • Childcare: The average price of center-based childcare doubled. 
  • Wages: Median wages for typical workers rose by only 92% in nominal terms, resulting in a 4% decline in purchasing power for families whose budgets are dominated by necessities. 

These aren’t short-term fluctuations. They are structural and cumulative increases in the cost of essentials, compounded by wage growth that lagged behind. That combination steadily eroded families’ room to maneuver. So, when inflation in groceries and consumer goods spiked in 2021—even for a relatively brief period—low- and middle-income Americans had precious little slack left to absorb it. 

This is why focusing on headline inflation misses the larger, persistent threat. Rising unavoidable expenses have been pushing up the household cost structure for decades. CPI understates the rise in many essentials, and labor-market metrics often overstate the prevalence of living-wage jobs. Add in higher barriers to homeownership and education, and the financial path forward becomes even steeper. Consumer behavior reflects this reality. New tariffs introduced in 2025 were described as temporary “trade adjustments,” yet analysis from the Budget Lab at Yale University estimates they will raise consumer prices by roughly 1.7% and cost the average household $2,300 this year alone. Even if those increases eventually unwind, the impact will fall on households that have already been squeezed for decades, and many households are no longer assuming prices will fall back—they’ve been burned too often. 

In a recent survey, 44% believe tariffs have already increased the price of goods and services, and a quarter reported switching to generic or private-label goods in response. These are not the behaviors of households expecting a quick return to pre-shock conditions. 

Against this backdrop, new shocks—whether from AI-driven disruptions, federal layoffs, or additional trade-policy changes—may well land on households that are already stretched thin. Even well-intentioned policies can have unintended consequences if they are not evaluated through the lens of a household balance sheet. Focusing only on short-term affordability or only on long-term reform which may never come misses the point; both matter, because families must make both short- and long-run decisions at the same time. 

After more than two decades of declining well-being for most middle- and low-income households, it is clear that structural reforms are needed to bring costs back in line with wages. Short-term fixes alone are unlikely to address the root causes of affordability and, if misguided, could even prove counterproductive. Effective leaders should recognize that working-class households need both immediate breathing room and policies that make long-term stability possible. 

Ultimately, policy must be judged not only by aggregate performance of the economy as a whole or political resonance but by its ability to strengthen household financial resilience of all income groups—helping families make progress in good times and avoid lasting setbacks in bad. Until our measurement tools capture these realities directly, policymakers will continue to rely on short-termism, intuition, and ideological prejudices rather than evidence. 

And while intuition and such prejudices may shape elections, and too often do, effective policy and the country’s well-being require something more precise: an economic framework that recognizes that very few shocks are ever truly “one-time” for the households who have to bear them. 

The opinions expressed in Fortune.com commentary pieces are solely the views of their authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Fortune.



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Trump tones down escalating Greenland rhetoric in Davos

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President Donald Trump, in his own inimitable way, struck a bellicose and yet conciliatory tone with European leaders in Davos, Switzerland, on Wednesday, somewhat tempering rising trans-Atlantic tensions and stock market jitters over concerns the U.S. is considering a takeover of Greenland. 

The nearly 90-minute speech, in which Trump lectured and hectored the tech executives and government officials in the audience, many from Europe, before clarifying that he didn’t want to use force and ultimately wanted peace, could be summed up by Trump ribbing French President Emmanuel Macron, seemingly unaware of his eye injury. “I watched him yesterday with his beautiful sunglasses. I said, ‘What the hell happened?’” Trump later added, “I actually like him. I do.” 

And while the president ruled out using military force to acquire the Danish territory of Greenland, he did not back down from antagonistic rhetoric while repeating his contested claim of having stopped eight wars around the world. (Trump’s desire for a Nobel Peace Prize, one measure of his competitiveness with predecessor Barack Obama, has hung on this eight-war figure, which some countries such as India and Pakistan reject.)

Trump used his highly anticipated address at the World Economic Forum as a platform to reaffirm his critique of European nations and of the U.S.’s status as a global superpower, but clarified that he prefers a peaceful resolution to the question over Greenland’s ownership that has threatened to kneecap the 76-year-old NATO alliance.

“I don’t have to use force. I don’t want to use force. I won’t use force,” he said.

Trump’s statement on having resolved multiple conflicts first emerged in a leaked text message the president sent to Norwegian prime minister Jonas Gahr Støre over the weekend in which he said, ominously, that he was no longer obliged to “think purely of Peace.” In that message, Trump linked his Greenland bombast to the Nobel committee deciding not to award him a Peace Prize last October, despite having “stopped 8 wars PLUS.” The committee that awards Nobel Prizes is based in Norway, although the Norwegian government does not have a say in allocating the prizes. 

Sigh of relief in the mountains

The statement assuaged the concerns of some European leaders about a possible military confrontation with the U.S. and seemed to reassure markets jittery about the onset of a new trade war, or the end of the western alliance. 

Markets responded positively after their big Tuesday sell-off. As of late morning, both the S&P 500 and the Dow Jones Industrial Average had risen over 1%, while the Nasdaq Composite index had advanced 1.3%. The 10-year Treasury yield turned lower, and the U.S. dollar stabilized after big losses Tuesday.

But Trump’s comments were an olive branch in text only, not in tone. Speaking for over an hour, the president reiterated his desire for Greenland, stating “that’s our territory” with regards to the island, while claiming he had “stopped eight wars.” (India has repeatedly rejected Trump’s claim that he stopped a war between the countries, while Pakistan has welcomed his involvement, nominating him for a Nobel.)

And while Trump toned down aggressive rhetoric of an impending military takeover of Greenland, he made clear to foreign leaders that it was a choice, even a favor: “We probably won’t get anything unless I decide to use excessive strength and force, where we would be, frankly, unstoppable, but I won’t do that,” he said.

Trump’s claim has been disputed. While the president did not specify which wars he was referring to, the U.S. has been involved in six ceasefires, although tensions have occasionally flared between Israel and Hamas and India and Pakistan. He may also be referring to agreements brokered during his first term.

Trump’s ruling out of military force on Wednesday soothed some European officials. Rasmus Jarlov, who chairs the defense committee in Denmark’s parliament, told The New York Times he “wasn’t too upset” with the president’s comments.

Lars Lokke Rasmussen, Denmark’s foreign minister, was encouraged as well: “It is positive that it is being said that military force will not be used,” he told local reporters Wednesday. “But that will not make this case go away,” he added.

While Trump reiterated his desire for a peaceful resolution during his speech, he challenged European leaders to remain opposed to him.

“You can say yes and we will be very appreciative, or you can say no and we will remember,” he said.



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One Trump proposal meant to prevent ‘nation of renters’ may make homeownership harder, experts say

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President Donald Trump said he is reestablishing the American dream of homeownership, but one of his most recent housing policy proposals may put the dream even more out of reach, experts say.

Speaking Wednesday at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, Trump touted his barrage of recent housing policy executive orders, including preventing institutional investors from buying single-family homes and attempting to lower mortgage rates by directing government-controlled mortgage finance firms Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac to purchase $200 billion in mortgage-backed securities.

“It’s just not fair to the public [that] they’re not able to buy a house,” Trump said Wednesday of institutional homebuying. “And I’m calling on Congress to pass that ban into permanent law, and I think they will.” Trump has also asked Congress to cap credit-card interest rates at 10%, which he claimed Wednesday “will help millions of Americans save for a home.” 

Trump also spoke directly to Wall Street giants and institutional homebuyers at Davos, saying that “many of you are good friends of mine [and] many of you are supporters,” but “you’ve driven up housing prices by purchasing hundreds of thousands of single family homes.” 

“It’s been a great investment for them, often as much as 10% of houses on the market,” Trump said. “You know, the crazy thing is, a person can’t get depreciation on a house, but when a corporation buys it, they get depreciation.” 

One policy that went unmentioned during Trump’s Wednesday speech in Davos, and one experts say could carry potentially big risks and do little to address the root causes of high housing costs, is his proposal that would allow Americans tap their 401(k) savings for mortgage down payments, which now averages 19% of a home’s price. The current U.S. median home price is about $428,000, according to Redfin, meaning a down payment could amount to a whopping $81,000. Trump hasn’t put a dollar or percentage figure on the cap for the amount Americans could pull from their 401(k)s to use toward a down payment.

Trump’s final plan on allowing Americans to use their retirement savings for down payments would likely require congressional approval because it may involve changing the tax code. The proposal, announced Friday by Kevin Hassett, director of the National Economic Council, is Trump’s latest attempt to address growing concerns about affordability across the U.S. economy, especially in the housing market, and prevent America from becoming “a nation of renters,” as he said in his address at the World Economic Forum Wednesday.

Benefits of using 401(k) funds for a down payment

Trump’s idea has some benefits. The number of first time homebuyers has fallen to half of what it was about a decade ago, according to data from the National Association of Realtors. In addition, 22% of those who are able to buy their first home are already using either borrowed money or a gift from a friend or relative for their downpayment, according to the NAR.

While Americans can already withdraw up to $10,000 to pay for a home from individual retirement accounts (IRAs) without repaying it before age 59 ½ , this rule doesn’t apply to employer-sponsored 401(k)s, the most common retirement account, unless account holders pay a 10% penalty. 

Americans can withdraw money without a penalty from their retirement plans for some exempted purposes such as recovering from a natural disaster and some medical expenses, but still have to pay income taxes on their tax-deferred accounts. These “hardship withdrawals” increased to 4.8% of participants in Vanguard retirement plans in 2024, up from 3.6% in 2023.

Most employer-sponsored 401(k)s also allow Americans to borrow for a limited time from their retirement savings penalty-free before 59 ½, including for a home purchase, as long as they repay the amount borrowed to the account with interest.

Given the limited options for accessing retirement accounts, the president’s proposal could help Americans in need of cash to unlock liquidity for a down payment. This could be especially helpful for those who may struggle to repay an IRA loan, Robert Goldberg, a finance professor at Adelphi University in Garden City, N.Y., told Fortune.

Drawbacks of using 401(k) funds for a down payment

Still, Goldberg warned swapping out the diversified investments of a 401(k) and concentrating a large chunk of their investment into one asset is risky. While some believe home prices always go up, the housing market collapse of 2008 showed this isn’t always the case.

“Imagine home prices drop so much that the home price goes not just down to the mortgage level, but to below the mortgage level, wipes out your equity position,” he said. “You would have lost your equity, your 401(k) equity. Bad outcome.” 

Experts say Trump’s proposal also does little to address the supply side of the housing market, which has been largely frozen as homebuyers who bought in at lower interest rates prior to the pandemic have been hesitant to sell, Goldberg said. Giving more people the means to buy homes without adding more supply may inadvertently increase prices and lock more people out of the housing market, instead of making it more affordable, he argued. 

“Some people will benefit from [Trump’s plan], but overall it will just be more competition for homes,” Goldberg said. 

Yet, Trump’s proposal dealing with retirement savings is especially risky because it makes it easier for Americans to use crucial retirement savings meant for the future for non-retirement uses, said Jake Falcon, a chartered retirement planning counselor and the CEO of Falcon Wealth Advisors.

The median retirement savings for an American between the ages of 45 and 55 was $115,000 as of 2022, according to the Federal Reserve. Yet, this amount may not suffice for everyone, as some experts suggest the average person needs to have saved eight to 10 times their annual salary to retire comfortably.  

“People, generally speaking, are more than likely behind, and this will just make them further behind,” Falcon said.

Given the bleak data on American retirement savings, Falcon said the government should make dipping into a retirement account for other uses harder instead of easier.

“Allowing people to raid their 401(k) doesn’t solve the problem,” he said.



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‘Let’s not be naive’: Ray Dalio warns the global rule-based order is already ‘gone,’ toppled by America’s debt crisis and raw power

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Bridgewater Associates founder Ray Dalio, speaking to Fortune‘s Kamal Ahmed at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, issued a stark warning to global leaders and business executives: Stop pretending the old rules still apply. In a candid assessment of the current geopolitical landscape, Dalio argued the fate of the post-World War II global order—much debated amid President Donald Trump’s pursuit of Greenland and unsettling of the NATO alliance—is a moot point.

“Let’s not be naive and say, ‘Oh, we’re breaking the rule-based system,’” Dalio said. “It’s gone.”

The billionaire founder of the largest hedge fund in history added that as a student of financial history, he pays close attention to the economic cycles of the last 500 years and sees cycles repeat themselves over time.

“And what I learned through that exercise is the same thing happens over and over again,” he said. “And it’s like a movie for me. It’s like watching the same movie happen.”

According to Dalio, five specific forces interact to drive the movie plot forward, with the “money-debt cycle” serving as the MacGuffin that kicks things off. The roots of the current instability, Dalio explained, lie in the monetary decisions made during the past several decades. Since 1971, when the U.S. under President Richard Nixon broke the dollar’s link to gold, Dalio notes, governments have consistently chosen to “print money” rather than allow debt crises to naturally play out. This behavior occurs when debt-service payments rise faster than incomes, squeezing spending. After more than half a century of this, he argued, repeating a consistent warning in his public remarks on the subject, the world is now witnessing a “breakdown of the monetary order,” evidenced by central banks altering their reserves and buying gold.

The previous day, Dalio had said in an appearance on CNBC’s “Squawk Box,” from the sidelines of the annual meeting in Davos, fiat currencies and debt as a storehouse of wealth were “not being held by central banks in the same way” anymore. He pointed to a decoupling in which the U.S. markets have underperformed foreign markets in specific metrics, a trend visible in the changing balance sheets of global central banks.

The core of Dalio’s concern lies in the transition from trade disputes to what he terms “capital wars.” He alluded to how U.S. Treasury bonds were the bedrock of global reserves for decades, but now, Dalio said the sheer supply of debt being produced by the U.S. is colliding with a shrinking global appetite to hold it.

“There’s a supply-demand issue,” Dalio noted, adding “you can’t ignore the possibility that … maybe there’s not the same inclination to buy U.S. debt.”

This reluctance is driven by geopolitical friction. According to Dalio, in times of international conflict, “even allies do not want to hold each other’s debt,” preferring instead to move capital into hard currencies. This shift forces the issuer of the debt to monetize it, a phenomenon Dalio summarized bluntly: “We’re increasingly buying our own money. That’s… the lesson of all this.”

As Dalio was speaking on Monday, markets weathered a global selloff as they digested the revelation that President Donald Trump was demanding U.S. possession of Greenland in revenge for not getting the Nobel Peace Prize in 2025. He had texted the Prime Minister of Norway Jonas Gahr Støre in anger about this, according to confirmed reports over the weekend, even though the Nobel Prize committee is separately operated from the government of Norway. But Dalio’s Tuesday remarks came amid calmer markets, as Trump reiterated his request for Greenland but clarified he would not authorize use of force to acquire it.

This economic instability feeds directly into the collapse of political norms, Dalio told Fortune on Wednesday. He argued the multilateral world order established in 1945—characterized by institutions such as the United Nations and the World Trade Organization—was arguably a “naive system” from the start, as it relied on representation without guaranteed enforcement.

“What happens when the leading power doesn’t want to abide by the vote?” Dalio asked. “Do you really expect that there’s going to be a United Nations vote or a World Court that’s going to resolve these things?”

The result, he argued, is a definitive shift from a multilateral system to a unilateral one. Dalio posited the central question of our time has become: “Who makes the rules, who enforces the rules, and how are you going to deal with that?”

Perhaps the most chilling aspect of Dalio’s analysis is the erosion of legal authority in favor of brute force. “Power matters more” than the law, he told Fortune, noting conflicts are increasingly decided by who controls the military, the police, and the National Guard. This trend is visible not only internationally but within nations, where democracy is threatened by populism and a growing belief the system is corrupt.

When asked if this rupture should strike fear into corporate boards and CEOs who have long relied on stable global rules, Dalio responded ignoring the truth is far more dangerous.

“I think what always scares me is the lack of realism,” he said.

Dalio advised leaders to stop relying on a dissolving rule-based system and instead focus on “jurisdiction questions,” seeking out places where people are “like-minded” and mutually supportive. Whether dealing with international boundaries or domestic regulations, Dalio insists businesses must now face the hard reality the era of assured legal protection is ending.

“Will law prevail?” Dalio asked. “Internationally, everybody is having to deal with that question.”

As confidence in institutions, the law itself, and fiat-denominated debt erodes, Dalio highlighted to CNBC the quiet but significant resurgence of gold. He emphasized gold should not be viewed merely as a speculative asset but as “the second-largest reserve currency” in the world. He noted in the previous year, gold was the “biggest market to move,” and it performed far better than tech stocks as central banks diversified their holdings. JPMorgan CEO Jamie Dimon had similar remarks in an interview with Fortune at the Most Powerful Women conference in October, when he said for the first time in his life, it had become “semi-rational” to have gold in your portfolio.

However, Dalio’s outlook was not entirely defensive. He said he sees the current era as a bifurcation between the decaying monetary order and a “wonderful technological revolution,” echoing Trump’s remarks onstage earlier that day about the “economic miracle” taking place. In that regard, at least, might may end up making right.

This story was originally featured on Fortune.com



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