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Republican lawmakers in these deep-red Midwestern states are blocking Trump’s redistricting push

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For most of President Donald Trump’s second term, Republicans have bent to his will. But in two Midwestern states, Trump’s plan to maintain control of the U.S. House in next year’s election by having Republicans redraw congressional districts has hit a roadblock.

Despite weeks of campaigning by the White House, Republicans in Indiana and Kansas say their party doesn’t have enough votes to pass new, more GOP-friendly maps. It’s made the two states outliers in the rush to redistrict — places where Republican-majority legislatures are unwilling or unable to heed Trump’s call and help preserve the party’s control on Capitol Hill.

Lawmakers in the two states still may be persuaded, and the White House push, which has included an Oval Office meeting for Indiana lawmakers and two trips to Indianapolis by Vice President JD Vance, is expected to continue. But for now, it’s a rare setback for the president and his efforts to maintain a compliant GOP-held Congress after the 2026 midterms.

Typically, states redraw the boundaries of their congressional districts every 10 years, based on census data. But because midterm elections typically tend to favor the party not in power, Trump is pressuring Republicans to devise new maps that favor the GOP.

Democrats only need to gain three seats to flip House control, and the fight has become a bruising back-and-forth.

With new maps of their own, multiple Democratic states are moving to counter any gains made by Republicans. The latest, Virginia, is expected to take up the issue in a special session starting Monday.

Hoosier state hesitates

Indiana, whose House delegation has seven Republicans and two Democrats, was one of the first states on which the Trump administration focused its redistricting efforts this summer.

But a spokesperson for state Senate Leader Rodric Bray’s office said Thursday that the chamber lacks the votes to redistrict. With only 10 Democrats in the 50-member Senate, that means more than a dozen of the 40 Republicans oppose the idea.

Bray’s office did not respond to multiple requests for an interview.

The holdouts may come from a few schools of thought. New political lines, if poorly executed, could make solidly Republican districts more competitive. Others believe it is simply wrong to stack the deck.

“We are being asked to create a new culture in which it would be normal for a political party to select new voters, not once a decade — but any time it fears the consequences of an approaching election,” state Sen. Spencer Deery, a Republican, said in a statement in August.

Deery’s office did not respond to a request for an interview and said the statement stands.

A common argument in favor of new maps is that Democratic-run states such as Massachusetts have no Republican representatives while Illinois has used redistricting for partisan advantage — a process known as gerrymandering.

“For decades, Democrat states have gerrymandered in the dark of the night,” Republican state Sen. Chris Garten said on social media. “We can no longer sit idly by as our country is stolen from us.”

Lt. Gov. Micah Beckwith, who would vote to break a tie in the state Senate if needed, recently called on lawmakers to forge ahead with redistricting and criticized then for not being sufficiently conservative.

“For years, it has been said accurately that the Indiana Senate is where conservative ideas from the House go to die,” Beckwith said in a social media post.

Indiana is staunchly conservative, but its Republicans tend to foster a deliberate temperance.

“Hoosiers, it’s very tough to to predict us, other than to say we’re very cautious,” former GOP state lawmaker Mike Murphy said. “We’re not into trends.”

The squeamishness reflects a certain independent streak held by voters in both states and a willingness by some to push back.

Writing in The Washington Post last week, former Gov. Mitch Daniels, a Republican, urged Indiana lawmakers to resist the push to redistrict. “Someone has to lead in climbing out of the mudhole,” he said.

“Hoosiers, like most Americans, place a high value on fairness and react badly to its naked violation,” he wrote.

In Kansas, Republicans also struggle to find votes

In Kansas, Republican legislative leaders are trying to bypass the Democratic governor and force a special session for only the second time in the state’s 164-year history. Gov. Laura Kelly opposes mid-decade redistricting and has suggested it could be unconstitutional.

The Kansas Constitution allows GOP lawmakers to force a special session with a petition signed by two-thirds of both chambers — also the supermajorities needed to override Kelly’s expected veto of a new map. Republicans hold four more seats than the two-thirds majority in both the state Senate and House. In either, a defection of five Republicans would sink the effort.

Weeks after state Senate President Ty Masterson announced the push for a special session, GOP leaders were struggling to get the last few signatures needed.

Among the holdouts is Rep. Mark Schreiber, who represents a district southwest of Topeka,. He told The Associated Press that “did not sign a petition to call a special session, and I have no plans to sign one.” Schreiber said he believes redistricting should be used only to reflect shifts in population after the once-every-10-year census.

“Redistricting by either party in midcycle should not be done,” he said.

Republicans would likely target U.S. Rep. Sharice Davids, the Democrat representing the mostly Kansas City area 3rd Congressional District, which includes Johnson County, the state’s most populous. The suburban county accounts for more than 85% of the vote and has trended to the left since 2016.

Kansas has a sizable number of moderate Republicans, and 29% of the state’s 2 million voters are registered as politically unaffiliated. Both groups are prominent in Johnson County.

Republican legislators previously tried to hurt Davids’ chances of reelection when redrawing the district, but she won in 2022 and 2024 by more than 10 percentage points.

“They tried it once and couldn’t get it done,” said Jack Shearer, an 82-year-old registered Republican from suburban Kansas City.

But a mid-decade redistricting has support among some Republicans in the county. State Sen. Doug Shane, whose district includes part of the county, said he believes his constituents would be amenable to splitting it.

“Splitting counties is not unprecedented and occurs in a number of congressional districts around the country,” he said in an email.



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Gen Z’s brains are ‘growing around their phones’ the way a tree warps around a tombstone, ‘Anxious Generation’ author warns

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A global public health emergency driven by the swift transition from a play-based to a phone-based childhood has created a “global destruction of human flourishing” among young people, according to social psychologist Jonathan Haidt. The Thomas Cooley Professor of Ethical Leadership at NYU Stern, speaking at a recent Dartmouth–United Nations Development Program symposium on youth well-being, argued that children born after 1995—Gen Z—are fundamentally different from earlier generations because they experienced puberty amid omnipresent smartphones and social media.

Haidt, who previously explicated many of his thoughts about Gen Z in the New York Times bestseller The Anxious Generation, used a powerful metaphor to explain the neurological consequences of this change: tree roots. Saying they are great metaphors for neurons, Haidt explained that tree-root growth is structured by the environment where they are found. He referred to a picture of a tree growing around a Civil War–era tombstone, where the tombstone scratched the bark 100 years ago, and the tree adapted. The same is true for Gen Z, he argued: “Their brains have been growing around their phones very much in the way that this tree grew around this tombstone.”

Beyond mental health, Haidt said this has physical manifestations. Children are “growing hunched around their phone,” he said, with phone addiction literally “warping eyeballs,” leading to a global rise in myopia (shortsightedness). Screen time is also known to harm sleep, he added. He went on to describe the “great rewiring” of humanity, brought on by the smartphone.

A catastrophe of mental and physical health

This “great rewiring,” which Haidt places between 2010 and 2015, coincides with a synchronized global collapse in teen mental health. Haidt noted Gen Z is “suddenly much more mentally ill than the millennials,” primarily suffering from anxiety and depression.

The evidence of decline is seen in objective behavior, not just self-reporting. For instance, data tracking nonfatal self-harm among early teens (10- to 14-year-olds) shows the girls’ rate “more than quintuples” between 2010 and 2015. Around the world, wherever the internet is in kids’ pockets, Haidt argued, young people are becoming less happy and flourishing less.

The transition Haidt describes occurred in two acts. Act one involved the gradual decline of play-based childhood, which began in the 1980s. Act two was the arrival of a phone-based childhood, a sudden and universal shift that started in the early 2010s. Haidt summarized the tragic change by saying, “We have overprotected our children in the real world, and we have under-protected them online.”

The erosion of focus and meaning

The crisis extends into cognitive ability. Haidt points out, “Fifty years of progress ended in 2012” in educational achievement metrics, specifically the National Assessment of Education Progress, or NAEP, also called the “nation’s report card.” This decline suggests a “broader erosion in the human capacity for mental focus and application,” leading to what Haidt calls a “complete disaster for humanity”: a loss of that capacity. “We’re getting dumber exactly as our machines are getting smarter and taking over more areas of life,” he said.

Students themselves acknowledge the cognitive shift, according to Haidt. He related an anecdote from one of his students, describing the difficulty of reading: “I open a book, I read a sentence, I get bored, I go to TikTok.” Furthermore, he said, high school seniors increasingly report “life often feels meaningless.” Haidt connected this directly to the time spent online, adding that he can’t fully disagree: “If you’re spending five hours a day on social media, you’re not doing anything. Your life actually is meaningless.”

The paths to this “pit of despair” differ by gender. For girls, social media remains the “clearest culprit,” altering development, social relationships, and moods. For boys, the danger centers on a dopamine addiction crisis, with companies competing to “hook them” via highly addictive video games and increasingly available high-definition porn.

Haidt’s comments came as part of a symposium organized by Dartmouth economics professor David Blanchflower, whose work has previously been covered in Fortune. Most recently, he and University College London’s Alex Bryson found the midlife crisis has become a thing of the past, with a quarter-life crisis very real in reams of economic data. Young workers really are full of rising despair, their research found. Blanchflower told Fortune in September he’s “freaked” out by what his research is showing: “Suddenly young workers look to be in big trouble … Now, both absolutely and relatively, the young are worse off.” The midlife hump in despair, commonly known as the midlife crisis, used to be one of social science’s most important patterns, he added, and that’s over now.

The symposium occurred just weeks after an authority no less than Jerome Powell, chair of the Federal Reserve, acknowledged Gen Z is having an especially hard time in the economy of 2025. “Kids coming out of college and younger people, minorities, are having a hard time finding jobs,” Powell said in mid-September, at a press conference following the Federal Open Market Committee meeting.

The solution: Collective action

Haidt asserted the theory suggesting the rewiring of childhood is the only one that can account for the synchronized collapse in mental health globally. Given that this is a collective action problem, the solution must also be collective action, he argues.

Haidt proposed four key norms to reverse a phone-based childhood and restore the play-based model:

  1. Delay smartphone use: Give children a flip phone or simple phone until high school or age 14 internationally.
  2. Social media age limit: “No social media before 16,” Haidt stresses. “We are completely insane if we give puberty over to social [media].”
  3. Phone-free schools: Implement “bell-to-bell” policies, which teachers have welcomed, and studies are already showing raised grades.
  4. Promote independence and play: Encourage “far more independence, free play, and responsibility in the real world.”

Haidt stressed that although there will be a “permanent echo of diminished potential” in the generation that has already passed through puberty with these devices, “it’s not too late for individuals if they make an effort and they make it collectively.”

For this story, Fortune used generative AI to help with an initial draft. An editor verified the accuracy of the information before publishing. 



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JPMorgan CEO Jamie Dimon says Gen Z needs in-demand skills to succeed in 2025 job market

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For many years, the rule of thumb was that working hard will guarantee some level of success. But according to Wall Street veteran Jamie Dimon, for the generations now entering the workforce, hard work alone won’t cut it. In a world increasingly shaped by artificial intelligence, successful individuals will have to be armed with the tools needed in specific sectors.

“When you graduate, whether it’s high school, or community college, or college, you need the skills to get the job,” Dimon said in a recent interview with CNN. “It’s not enough anymore to say, ‘I can work hard.’ In the old days, you could be in 10th grade, go get a factory job in Detroit, and eventually you could afford a family, a home, a car, and that may not be true anymore.”

Dimon’s words will resonate with many. Even in the past few years, buying a home has become increasingly unaffordable for first-time buyers. Per data from the National Association of Realtors, in 2022 its housing affordability index stood at 108, with a value of 100 representing a family with the median income having exactly enough income to qualify for a mortgage on a median-priced home.

By 2025, this had dropped to 97.4, meaning the average American family trying to buy their first home doesn’t have the income to qualify for a mortgage on a median-priced home.

Likewise, childcare costs have skyrocketed compared with a few decades ago. Data from the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis charting tuition, school fees, and childcare across an average of U.S. cities has increased from an index of 100 in 1983 to 897 by September 2025.

In the face of an increased cost of living, younger workers now graduating and entering the workforce are more concerned than their older counterparts about the threat of artificial intelligence. Nearly one in five Gen Z workers reported being deeply worried that artificial intelligence will put them out of work within the next two years, according to a recent survey from Deutsche Bank Research. But their older peers are notably less alarmed: While nearly a quarter of young adults ages 18 to 34 gave high scores of concern on a 0 to 10 scale, only about one in 10 baby boomers and Gen Xers (ages 55 and above) expressed comparable anxiety.

Dimon said that AI and coding are areas where “we know we need the skills,” adding that speedy industry training courses also present paths to secure employment: “And it works, those things work. We just have to get people to invest in them.”

Many of the nation’s fastest-growing job markets are in highly specialized sectors—some of which require no degree but do require technical training. According to U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics projections for job growth in 2023–33, released last year, wind turbine service technicians came in first with a growth rate of 60% and median annual pay of just under $62,000. No degree is required.

Second was solar photovoltaic installers with a growth rate of 48% and annual pay of a little under $49,000—again, no degree required.

Plumbers and electricians in demand

Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang has also urged job market entrants to explore skills-focused roles adjacent to the immediate technology sector.

While the billions being invested into AI have pushed up valuations courtesy of promised efficiencies and streamlining, Huang points out that it will also have real-world impacts when it comes to building data centers and the wider infrastructure needed to support the shift.

“If you’re an electrician, you’re a plumber, a carpenter—we’re going to need hundreds of thousands of them to build all of these factories,” Huang told Channel 4 News in the U.K. in September. “The skilled craft segment of every economy is going to see a boom. You’re going to have to be doubling and doubling and doubling every single year.”

Huang isn’t alone. Earlier this year BlackRock CEO Larry Fink told an energy conference he has warned the White House about the shortage of workers needed to support the rollout: “I’ve even told members of the Trump team that we’re going to run out of electricians that we need to build out AI data centers. We just don’t have enough.”





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Jamie Dimon says he still reads customer complaints himself because his staff filters too much: ‘The bureaucracy does want to control you’

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Jamie Dimon doesn’t trust hierarchy to tell him the truth.

The JPMorgan Chase CEO, who runs a $4.5 trillion bank with 300,000 employees, still reads customer complaints himself, a habit that, he says, keeps him connected to reality inside one of the world’s most powerful financial institutions.

“I still read customer complaints,” Dimon said at the America Business Forum in Miami on Thursday. “If they ask you a question, you’ve got to respond to me directly and not go up that chain of command. The chain of command starts to edit it and fine-tune it. The bureaucracy does want to control you, so you’ve got to kill the bureaucracy.”

For Dimon, bureaucracy is a reflex that creeps into any large institution and shields leaders from reality. He sees it as a constant fight. 

“If you’re in a position like mine, you’ve got to break down those barriers all the time,” he said.

Instead, Dimon prizes what he calls constant curiosity. He starts every morning reading five newspapers and still takes time to visit branches with his management team. 

“Get on the bus and go to a branch,” he said. “Talk to people. You’ll learn something: something stupid we do, something that doesn’t work, or something they did better at another bank.”

That hands-on approach, he said, forces him to stay grounded inside a firm with 300,000 employees in 60 countries. 

“Once your mind closes, you’re not going to make a lot of progress,” Dimon said.

Culture, he added, is what keeps a company from collapsing under its own weight. “You better be relentless,” he told the crowd. “People don’t believe what you write in memos, they believe what you do. They see you fire bad people or a client who mistreats employees. That’s how they know you mean it.”

He’s also learned to value plainspoken communication. Early in his career, Dimon said, he underestimated its power. Now, every message from his office is written in his own voice, stripped of what he calls “corporate pablum.”

For Dimon, the danger is internal complacency. In his view, once bureaucracy takes hold, “it kills a company’s ability to think.”



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