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Organizers behind ‘Tesla Takedown’ protests aren’t backing down despite pressure from Trump: ‘Our goal is to bankrupt Elon Musk’

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  • Early organizers of some of the “Tesla Takedown” protests say the organization’s goal is to hit Elon Musk where it hurts: his wealth. As protests surge and Tesla’s stock plummets, even loyal investors are turning against the CEO, blaming his political ties for the company’s decline.

Fred McKinney loved his Tesla. He bought his first car—a Tesla Model 3—in November 2018 and describes himself as a Tesla evangelist. Over the last few months, he’s come to regret it.

“It was a great car,” McKinney, co-founder of the economic consulting company BJM Solutions, told Fortune. “And I wasn’t just a casual Tesla owner, I was an evangelist for the vehicle and the company, and quite frankly, for Musk.”

“I have remorse now about that because he’s proven to be someone that doesn’t deserve my support.”

McKinney sold his Tesla in February, swapping it out for an alternative electric vehicle. He cites Musk’s role in the Trump administration, especially his connection to the cost-cutting team DOGE, as the reason. “It was a political decision but also a moral decision,” he said. “I see the damage that [DOGE] is doing to the fabric of our society.”

McKinney didn’t know he was part of a wider movement when he ditched the car.

“When I sold my car, the uprising that is now taking place around the world was probably in its infancy, and I didn’t know anything about it, but I was comforted to see that others felt the same way,” he said.

Over the last few months, protests against Tesla have erupted worldwide—some peaceful, while others have involved vandalism and arson. The efforts have caused the EV maker’s stock to plummet, tanked car sales, and angered investors.

Early organizers told Fortune the aim is to hit Musk where it hurts: his wealth.

Who are the ‘Tesla Takedown Movement’?

The action against Tesla has impacted Musk’s personal wealth, wiping around $175 billion off his December peak of $486 billion, per Bloomberg’s billionaire index.

One of the early coordinators of the “Tesla Takedown” movement, Edward Niedermeyer, told Fortune that this wealth drop is exactly the aim.

“The goal, I would say, is to bankrupt Elon Musk—bring down his empire,” he told Fortune.

Musk is still the richest person in the world despite his recent losses, but Tesla is paying the price for some of his unpopular activities outside of the company. “Hopefully it does spiral on Tesla stock,” Niedermeyer said. “If we don’t bankrupt him, but we exert enough financial pressure to materially change a political situation, that’s fine, too.”

Unlike McKinney, Niedermeyer is not new to his anti-Musk sentiment.

He has been a critic of Tesla and the company’s CEO for years, publishing a book in 2019 providing a highly skeptical view of the electric car company’s history. Musk has, in turn, publicly criticized Niedermeyer in the past. He puts the recent rise of organized objection to Musk and Tesla down to a “perfect storm” of “outrage about the political situation and the lack of other outlets.”

“It’s much harder to target Donald Trump’s financial wealth,” he said.

The protests and the violence associated with the movement have, however, prompted threats from Trump, who vowed to label vandalism and attacks against the carmaker as domestic terrorism.

But Niedermeyer is relatively unbothered by this, saying he also disapproves of the violent acts and vandalism.

“I don’t have a problem in theory of people being prosecuted for this,” he said. “The only thing that worries me about it is if there’s some effort to take what is clearly a peaceful movement—as the only organized part is peaceful—and deem something like Tesla Takedown a terrorist organization.”

“As far as I can tell, this has all been individuals acting alone … whereas protesters all show up in the daytime with our faces uncovered. So there’s a clear, a clear distinction there,” he said. “These people are not domestic terrorists in any sense.”

Valerie Costa, who co-founded an environmental activist group called the Troublemakers that helped organize the Tesla protests, has similar worries. “The administration has been trying to paint a picture of the Tesla protests as the same as the vandalism that’s been happening. And that’s not at all the case,” she told Fortune. “The protests have always been peaceful, nonviolent protests—First Amendment-protected protests. And there’s been a conflation of the two that’s super dangerous.”

Costa, who has also recently been a victim of Musk’s public ire, worries that the billionaire’s inflated power could affect her.

In two separate posts on X, Musk targeted both Costa’s organization and Costa herself.

He first accused Troublemakers of being backed by ActBlue, an online fundraising platform for Democrats, something she denies. Then he posted again, this time sharing a video interview she had done along with the text: “Costa is committing crimes.”

“I was terrified when I saw that post,” she said. “And since then, my life has been completely different.” Costa said she received a barrage of threatening messages to her social media and work email. After Trump suggested Tesla protesters be labeled domestic terrorists, she even sat down with her housemates to discuss what to do if the FBI turned up at their door.

“He is essentially one of the most powerful people in government, if not the most powerful person right now,” she said of Musk. “And it was all very scary.”

Tesla’s stock slump

Musk has been trying to fight back against the growing wave of protests as Tesla’s stock price plummets.  

The billionaire has won Trump’s support on the issue—the president turned the White House lawn into a Tesla car show one day this week. Recently, he also held an all-hands meeting, encouraging investors to hold onto their stock.

However, the stock slide and the effect on car sales have been dramatic, with Europe particularly badly affected. Tesla’s market share in Europe was already decreasing, with vehicle registrations plummeting in countries like France and Germany.

Tesla’s car sales in Germany, Europe’s top market for electric vehicles, dropped 76% in February compared to the same month last year, according to the German Association of the Automotive Industry. This marks the second consecutive month of declining sales for the U.S. automaker in the country.

Musk and Tesla’s brands have always been intertwined, meaning what the CEO does outside of Tesla can directly hurt or help the company. As Wedbush analyst Dan Ives, a longtime Tesla bull, put it last year: “Tesla is Musk and Musk is Tesla.”

Now, even the most bullish Tesla investors are turning on the CEO.

Last week, Ives deviated from his typically optimistic analysis in a note to investors. While Ives still maintained his “outperform” rating on the stock, he warned that investor patience is “wearing very thin” amid Musk’s political activities, citing the protests as hurting the brand.

Others, including longtime Tesla investor Ross Gerber, are calling for Elon Musk to step down as CEO. Gerber has argued that Musk’s focus on his White House role has led to Tesla’s neglect amid a sharp decline in its stock price and that Musk needs to step down to protect the company.

For McKinney, getting Musk out of the CEO role is not enough. He says he doesn’t see a way back for his old loyalty to Tesla as long as Musk is involved. “I wouldn’t buy another Tesla as long as Musk is associated with it, whether he’s the CEO or even a partial owner,” he said.

“It takes a long time to develop a brand, but that brand’s value can be destroyed very quickly, and it’s very difficult to make it right again,” he said. “This is going to be a case that’s written up in business schools and talked about for decades to come.”

Representatives for Tesla did not respond to a request for comment from Fortune.

This story was originally featured on Fortune.com



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America must harness stablecoins to future-proof the dollar

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With Congress just passing the federal budget, lawmakers will have an opportunity to tackle long-term financial challenges outside of crisis mode. One such challenge—and opportunity—is the rise of stablecoins: privately issued digital tokens pegged to fiat currencies like the U.S. dollar. Stablecoins have rapidly grown into a hundreds-of-billions market, facilitating billions in transactions, but they’ve lacked a comprehensive U.S. regulatory framework​. Fortunately, Washington is signaling new openness to digital assets—evidenced by President Trump announcing the establishment of a strategic digital asset reserve for the nation​. Creating the requisite clarity will unlock a new era of competition and innovation among banks.

Stablecoins are a strategic extension of U.S. monetary influence. Around 99% of stablecoin volume today is tied to the U.S. dollar, exporting dollar utility onto international, decentralized blockchain networks. A stablecoin market with the right guardrails can strengthen the U.S. dollar’s dominance in global finance​. If people around the world can easily hold and transact in tokenized dollars, the dollar remains the go-to currency even in a digitizing economy. Recent congressional hearings echo this point—up to $5 trillion in assets could move into stablecoins and digital money by 2030, up from roughly $200 billion now​. If the U.S. fails to act, it risks “becoming the rust belt of the financial industry,” as one fintech CEO warned​

Other jurisdictions aren’t standing still: Europe, the U.K., Japan, Singapore, and the UAE are developing stablecoin frameworks​. Some of these could even allow new dollar-pegged tokens issued offshore​—potentially eroding U.S. oversight. In short, America must lead on stablecoins or get pressured by Europe’s Digital Euro and other central bank digital currencies (CBDCs) that threaten both the private banking ecosystem and individual sovereignty in their strictest form. My research, for example, shows that CBDCs to date have not had any positive effects on growing GDP or reducing inflation, but have had negative effects on individuals’ financial well-being.

Ideally, various regulated institutions—banks, trust companies, fintech startups—could issue “tokenized dollars” under a common set of rules. Before the 1900s, state governments had the primary authority over banking. While that led to fragmentation and problems, with the right federal architecture, blockchain allows banks to offer differentiated products and a version of what existed pre-1900—their own type of stablecoin that differs in security, yield, and/or other amenities—while still keeping the value pegged to the dollar. More broadly, there is a large body of academic research showing how stablecoins drive down transaction costs, speed up settlement times, and broaden financial inclusion through new services. 

In absence of federal action, we risk a patchwork of state-by-state rules or even de facto regulation by enforcement, which creates uncertainty for entrepreneurs and consumers alike. The Stablecoin Tethering and Bank Licensing Enforcement (STABLE) Act was introduced in the House in 2020, requiring any company issuing a stablecoin to obtain a bank charter and abide by bank regulations, including approval from the Federal Reserve and FDIC before launching a stablecoin, and to hold FDIC insurance or Federal Reserve deposits as reserves, making stablecoin issuers regulated like banks to protect consumers and the monetary system. 

However, as House Financial Services Committee Chairman French Hill has said, the goal should be to modernize payments and promote financial access without government overreach​. Notably, Hill contrasted private-sector stablecoin innovation with the alternative “competing vision” of a government-run digital dollar (central bank digital currency) that could crowd out private innovation​. And, the STABLE Act could be too draconian, penalizing non-bank entities. To that end, the recent bipartisan effort in the Senate—the Guiding and Establishing National Innovation for U.S. Stablecoins Act of 2025 (GENIUS Act)—has gained momentum.

In practice, the GENUIS Act could allow a regulated fintech or trust company to issue a dollar stablecoin under state supervision, so long as it complies with stringent requirements mirroring federal bank-like rules on liquidity and risk. This kind of flexibility, paired with robust standards, can prevent market fragmentation by bringing all credible stablecoin issuers under a regulatory “big tent.” It would also prevent any single point of failure: If one issuer falters, others operating under the same framework can pick up the slack, keeping the system stable.

Critics often voice concerns that digital currencies could enable illicit activity. But in reality, blockchain technology offers more transparency, not less, when properly leveraged. Every transaction on a public blockchain is recorded on an immutable ledger. Law enforcement has successfully traced and busted criminal networks by following the on-chain trail—something much harder to do with cash stuffed in duffel bags. In fact, blockchain’s decentralized ledger offers the potential for even greater transparency, security, and efficiency​. 

Following the momentum from the White House, Congress has a running start on crafting rules that bring stability and clarity to this market now that the budget has passed. Lawmakers should refine and pass a comprehensive stablecoin bill that incorporates the best of both approaches—the prudential rigor of the bank-centric model and the innovation-friendly flexibility of a dual license system. Done right, stablecoin legislation will reinforce the dollar’s role as the bedrock of global finance in the digital age, unlock new fintech innovation and competition domestically, and enhance financial integrity.

The opinions expressed in Fortune.com commentary pieces are solely the views of their authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Fortune.

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This story was originally featured on Fortune.com



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Hundreds of New Yorkers spent hours waiting in line for free eggs. All 100 cartons were gone in less than 10 minutes

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Hundreds of people lined up Friday morning at three sites in New York City, some arriving more than an hour early, for the opportunity to snag one of the nation’s hottest commodities: a dozen free eggs.

People were bundled up against the windy cold as they stood outside a Harlem restaurant, patiently waiting to be handed a carton. Less than 10 minutes later, the 100 cartons were gone, leaving many empty-handed.

“I heard from the news that they will be giving around, like, 1,500 eggs, or something like that. OK? And I just came because I needed some eggs, and then I’m waiting here in the line, and I don’t see anything,” said Jackeline Tejava, who was in a line that stretched around the block. “They say that the eggs are gone, but it hasn’t been not even more than 20 people, so I don’t know what happened.”

Egg prices hit a record high last month as the U.S. contends with a bird flu outbreak, which has forced poultry farms to slaughter more than 168 million birds since 2022.

Trying to find eggs on grocery store shelves in New York City can be hit or miss. When they are in stock, they can be pricey.

Friday’s giveaway was organized by FarmerJawn, a 128-acre (52-hectare) Pennsylvania farm that’s focused on providing organic food to underserved communities. FarmerJawn held other egg giveaways Friday in Brooklyn and Queens. The group also handed out free cartons in New York last month.

“We’re doing this egg giveaway because, as food producers, we believe it’s our responsibility to support the communities that support us,” the group said in a written statement. It partnered with a local butchery and a upstate New York farm to organize Friday’s events.

“Food is medicine, and everyone – especially the often-forgotten middle class – deserves access to it,” Farmerjawn said.

Other organizations, including churches, have recently held egg giveaways in New York and elsewhere around the country, including Las Vegas, Chicago, Philadelphia and Richland County, South Carolina.

The U.S. Department of Agriculture expects egg prices to rise 41% this year over last year’s average of $3.17 per dozen. A carton of eggs in New York City can often run twice or three times that amount, depending on the store.

Marion Johnson, who waited more than two hours at the Harlem giveaway but didn’t get a free carton, said she can’t afford eggs.

“They’re so expensive,” she said. “This is not fair. … They know everybody gonna be on line like this.”

This story was originally featured on Fortune.com



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SEC to lose about 500 staffers to buyout, resignation offers

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About 500 staffers at the Securities & Exchange Commission have agreed to leave the agency in response to its $50,000 buyout and deferred-resignation offers, according to people with direct knowledge of the matter.

The divisions of enforcement, exams and the office of the general counsel will experience some of the more significant departures, the people said, asking not to be identified discussing non-public information. The number may climb even higher as additional people accept the buyout ahead of Friday’s deadline for the $50,000 incentive. Some of the departures may not take place until later this year. 

The total represents about 10% of the roughly 5,000 employees at the agency. Some former staff have expressed concern that the agency will be unable to handle a financial crisis, should one arise, given the talent drain.

To qualify for the buyout offer, employees must have been on the agency’s payroll before Jan. 24. They must voluntarily leave through resignation, transfer to another agency or immediate retirement. If they accept a voluntary separation agreement and return to the SEC within five years, they must pay back the incentive in full.

An SEC spokeswoman declined to comment on the departures.

More cost cuts are on the agency’s agenda. The SEC plans to eliminate the leases for its Los Angeles and Philadelphia offices. The General Services Administration has also explored ending the Chicago office’s lease, though that could come with a significant financial penalty, Bloomberg has reported.

Regional offices oversee a hefty portion of exams and enforcement work. The most-senior positions at regional offices have also been cut, though the individuals in those roles aren’t being forced out.

The SEC cuts have been criticized as inconsistent with the administration’s mission to reduce federal-government costs.

“The Trump administration may claim that all agencies should be reduced in size by a roughly similar margin, in effect sharing proportionate reductions,” Columbia Law School professors John Coates, John Coffee Jr., James Cox, Merritt Fox and Joel Seligman wrote in a blog post last week. “But this ignores one extraordinary fact about the SEC: It consistently has generated more in fees than in operating expenses.”

Reuters reported earlier Friday that hundreds would leave.

This story was originally featured on Fortune.com



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