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Kraken co-CEO Arjun Sethi preparing firm for an IPO

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“My neighbors think I’m under house arrest,” observes Arjun Sethi. It’s not hard to see why. On the driveway of Sethi’s comfortable Menlo Park home, located a few miles from Stanford University, sits a black Cybertruck that rarely leaves. Meanwhile, various figures stream in and out of a wide open garage anchored by a table littered with electronics. Inside, there are no pictures on the walls and the domicile’s only personality is supplied by a large German shepherd patrolling the backyard.

Sethi is no criminal, though, and the house is not just his home. It is also the prime outpost for Kraken, the longtime cryptocurrency exchange where Sethi, who draws few lines between his personal and professional life, is co-CEO. The gray-flecked 42-year-old, who favors plain T-shirts, may not be concerned about what his neighbors think of him. But he does have to care about the opinions of another group: Kraken’s investors, who are expecting big things in the near future.

Founded in 2011, Kraken has long flown under the radar compared with its bigger competitor Coinbase, but has always commanded the respect of traders and crypto veterans. In the past year, the company has reached for a bigger share of the spotlight with high-profile acquisitions and product launches ahead of an IPO planned for next year. All of this will test whether Kraken can meet the lofty $15 billion valuation that came with a new funding round it closed this month.

Meeting that challenge will fall to Sethi who, despite an official title of co-CEO, is very much calling the shots at Kraken. An executive whose experience lies primarily in venture capital, he is an unusual choice to lead a company on the cusp of going public, but one very much in keeping with Kraken’s history as an unconventional company.

Building the future of trading

Sitting at a large desk plunked in the center of his sparse living room one August afternoon, Sethi patiently replies to my questions as random figures pop in and out of the garage. He has a wide range of intellectual interests—he dabbled in journalism in college and has read extensively on major religions—but for Sethi nearly everything comes down to data.

After founding a pair of startups and working as a senior product manager at Yahoo, Sethi cofounded the venture capital firm Tribe Capital. Even more than its peer VC firms, Tribe has a reputation for data-based decision-making, which led to bets on Kraken, as well as on Carta, which makes cap-management software, and the cloud computing firm Docker, among others.

If the unsentimental Sethi has a passion, it is the idea of using blockchain technology to fix obstacles in the financial system that prevent people from tapping into collateral they own. He cites, for instance, the common conundrum faced by employees who leave a startup and must exercise their stock options and pay related tax within 90 days—resulting in many of them simply walking away from their equity. The solution, Sethi says, is tapping into the modular stack of services offered by decentralized finance (DeFi), which promises to give consumers an unprecedented degree of control over their assets, and let them lend or securitize them like never before.

“My hope with crypto is to distribute those benefits more evenly. We’re not all the way there, but the first steps are happening—stablecoins, then tokenized assets, and now tokenized equities,” said Sethi.

His vision is for Kraken to be a hub for all of these things, bringing the best elements of crypto and the traditional financial stack under one umbrella. To that end, the company spent $1.5 billion this spring to buy NinjaTrader, a platform for professional asset traders, in a move that boosted Kraken’s customer base by 2 million and represented, in Sethi’s words, the “largest-ever deal combining TradFi and crypto.”

Coinbase is the dominant player in retail crypto, but Kraken’s bread-and-butter has always been professional and institutional customers. Lately, though, Kraken has been pushing to expand its presence in retail, including with the launch of xStocks, which are shares of popular companies like Apple and Tesla, wrapped in crypto and tradable on blockchains.

The concept of blockchain-based stocks may seem exotic or downright unnecessary, but look closer and the early response to xStocks appears to validate Sethi’s views on where finance is going. He notes that xStocks, which the company hopes to offer in the U.S. next year, are taking off in markets like South Africa where the fees to purchase traditional stocks from brokerages can still be over 10%. By offering shares on a decentralized blockchain platform—xStocks can even be traded outside of Kraken’s exchange—there is less opportunity for middlemen like brokerages to exact high fees.

Kraken is one of a handful of trading firms, including Robinhood, that are offering tokenized assets, and some big Wall Street names like BlackRock are doing the same. If this is indeed where the world is heading, it will be the latest instance of Kraken being ahead of the curve; previous examples include the exchange being one of the first to list Ethereum and to offer crypto derivatives.

Unlike most startups, Kraken made it this far with very little in venture capital funding, raising only $27 million from its founding until this year. That recently changed, however, as the company decided to raise a $500 million round as part of its final gear-up for an IPO. The Information reported in July that the company was seeking to raise that amount; this week Fortune learned, from a person who was not authorized to discuss the matter publicly, that it successfully closed the round this month. The round featured no primary investor with Kraken itself setting the terms, including the $15 billion valuation, said the person. Contributors included investment managers and venture capitalists, as well as Sethi’s Tribe Capital and Sethi in a personal capacity.

The investors are pouring money into a thriving business that pulled in nearly $80 million in post-Ebitda earnings, and over $411 million in revenue in the second quarter, according to figures published by Kraken. Those numbers, along with the firm’s longevity and strong reputation in the industry, put it in position to be one of the strongest of the crypto firms entering, or on the cusp of entering, public markets. If there is a wild card, though, it may be the firm’s senior leadership.

Executive turnover at Kraken

Following our sit-down interview, Sethi and I take a turn around his Menlo Park neighborhood, and return to his house for dinner with a member of his team and a cousin who has turned up. The meal is delicious but unusual.

The cousin has arrived with coolers full of stone crabs, which he and Sethi scatter on plates of ice around the kitchen. There is a shortage of crab utensils, but since this is Silicon Valley, Sethi punches an order into an app and more appear at the door in a matter of minutes—a trick he performs several times over the course of my visit.

The main course comes in the form of thin, marinated fillets of something (Sethi won’t say what) that have arrived in a same-day delivery from Wyoming. Sethi artfully grills the stack of fillets in his backyard, serving them with a nice California red, and that’s all.

The dinner was par for the course for how Kraken operates more broadly.

For its first decade, Kraken was defined by its cofounder Jesse Powell. A soft-spoken philosophy major and self-described introvert, Powell steered the company through various crises that buffeted the crypto industry. At some point along the way, he took on a more abrasive persona on X, posting comments on topics like gender and pronouns that made him a villain among certain mainstream media outlets. A working-class kid from Sacramento, Powell has also been game to spar with San Francisco liberals, including by suing a co-op he says denied his bid to buy a unit on grounds of his politics. (The case is ongoing.)

In 2022, Powell stepped down as CEO amid a federal investigation into his role at a Sacramento arts nonprofit he had founded. The probe created a multiyear legal ordeal for Powell, including an FBI raid of his house that was leaked to the New York Times.

The Justice Department this summer acknowledged Powell had done nothing wrong, but the three-year legal cloud resulted in tumult at the top of Kraken. On stepping down, Powell named longtime lieutenant Dave Ripley as CEO, but last year the company announced Sethi had taken on the role of co-CEO.

A co-CEO arrangement is unusual at the best of times, and according to multiple people with ties to the company, it is basically a fiction in the case of Kraken. One former executive, who asked not to be named in order to speak candidly, said that on a Zoom call shortly after the co-CEO announcement, an employee asked Powell who would be making decisions; the founder stated definitely that Sethi would decide everything—even as Ripley, the now co-CEO, sat nearby.

That same person praised Sethi’s command of product, but also complained that the new leader appeared indifferent to staff morale, and has run Kraken more like a venture capital firm than a company, relying on outside associates more than longtime staff. The person added that Sethi’s ongoing ties to Tribe Capital, where he is chairman, pose a conflict of interest.

“Arjun is chairman of Tribe Capital, but doesn’t run [Tribe’s] business day to day. This arrangement was approved by both the Kraken board and his LPAC [limited partner advisory committee] at Tribe,” said a Kraken spokesperson.

Sethi’s arrival also roughly coincided with the departure of a number of senior executives, including Kraken’s CTO, COO, senior sales staff, and longtime lawyer. While executive turnover occurs at every organization, the scope of change at Kraken has likely contributed to the company’s IPO bid getting pushed to 2026 even as a spate of other crypto firms have gone public this year.

The Kraken spokesperson addressed the turnover by pointing to an October blog post by Sethi and Ripley titled “A New Day,” which notes: “We made a number of changes to the organization to eliminate layers and make the organization leaner and faster.” She acknowledged the shake-up had affected morale, but added that employees are now “energized and excited” as Kraken’s pace of shipping products picks up.

Another former executive contacted by Fortune, who asked not to be identified owing to legal constraints, also made the case that Sethi’s disruptive management style was necessary to prepare the company for its IPO push. The person added that Kraken’s many years in business had resulted in more pre-IPO regulatory and operational issues than other firms, and added that the co-CEO role has served the company well, with Ripley excelling at internal operational issues and Sethi handling sales and public-facing roles.

For his part, Sethi described his co-CEO as a “multiplier of the strategy because Kraken has so many products” and said he is seeking to build a management structure similar to what Mark Zuckerberg has done at Meta, where dedicated teams serve each of the company’s discrete brands.

IPO clock is ticking

Following a period of investor exuberance that peaked in 2021, the window for new companies to go public all but closed as investors came to see startup valuations as overly inflated. That finally changed this year, and for crypto companies, a new appetite for public companies combined with regulatory tailwinds has led to an IPO bonanza.

In the past few months, stablecoin issuer Circle enjoyed one of the biggest same-day IPO pops in corporate history, while lesser lights of the crypto scene like Gemini and Bullish also made successful public debuts. For Kraken’s investors, the company’s decision to wait until 2026 to list publicly is likely a source of frustration and anxiety. Will the market still be eager for another crypto IPO?

There is cause for concern on this front. There are a growing number of indicators that current stock prices are overvalued, and in the case of the newly listed crypto firms, their business prospects appear tenuous. In Circle’s case, declining interest rates are a direct drag on the firm’s stablecoin revenue, while both Bullish and Gemini have far fewer customers than the likes of Kraken and Coinbase. If the current crypto bull run is followed by a crash, as has happened in numerous previous cycles, these firms’ share prices risk being clobbered.

All of this increases the pressure on Kraken to hasten its IPO. But if the bottom falls out of the market before it has time to list, Kraken investors can take comfort that—far more than most other crypto firms—it has a sound business model and multiple revenue streams. The company is also seeing growth in numerous key markets outside of its longtime strongholds of Europe and the U.K.

This means Kraken, regardless of how its IPO plans shake out, is built to play the long game.

“Our model’s built around pro traders and institutions,” says Sethi. “Features like Kraken Pro, our robust API, and advanced interfaces make us a destination for funds and high-volume clients—they use our exchange not because it’s flashy, but because it works and the liquidity is deep.”

In the future, Kraken will be in an even better position if Sethi’s vision of a total convergence of traditional finance and crypto comes to pass. If it does, the company’s investors and executives—especially Sethi—stand to make a tidy bundle. So much so that Sethi will have the resources to easily fund a charm offensive to win over his suspicious neighbors—provided, of course, that he cares about such things.



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Trump fast tracks ‘three-week’ nuclear approval for big tech to fuel AI race

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President Donald Trump offered Silicon Valley an extraordinary deal on Wednesday: Build your own nuclear power plants to fuel AI, and his administration will approve them in just three weeks.

Speaking at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, Trump addressed a room of tech executives struggling with an aging U.S. electrical grid.

“I came up with the idea,” Trump said. “You people are brilliant. You have a lot of money. You can build your own electric generating plants.”

Trump talked for about 10 minutes about energy in his speech, making it clear Trump views a straining electric grid as a central economic risk of 2026. As artificial intelligence pushes electricity demand to record highs, the administration is framing power shortages as an existential threat to growth and national security. Slashing approval timelines, Trump argued, is a necessary response to an energy system he said he believes is fundamentally unprepared for the AI era.

“We needed more than double the energy currently in the country just to take care of the AI plants,” Trump said. 

The proposal marks a radical departure from the traditional Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) process, which historically requires four to five years for environmental and design approvals as well as rigorous site selection. Trump claimed that while tech leaders initially “didn’t believe him,” he assured them the government would deliver approvals for oil and gas plants in just two weeks, with nuclear projects following in three.

Trump said he wasn’t “a big fan” of nuclear power before, but now sees it as a newly viable solution due to safety improvements. 

“The progress they’ve made with nuclear is unbelievable,” he said. “We’re very much into the world of nuclear energy, and we can have it now at good prices and very, very safe.” 

While the potential upcoming wave of small modular nuclear reactors (SMR) could receive regulatory approvals in less than two years, there is little basis for going through an approval process with the Nuclear Regulatory Commission in closer to three weeks, and such an expedited process would trigger widespread concerns about safety and environmental risks.

Trump also touted a new energy alliance with Venezuela, noting the U.S. secured 50 million barrels of oil last week following the “end of an attack” on the nation that led to the deposition of President Nicolás Maduro. He said the new cooperation between the two nations would make Venezuela “fantastically well” while driving U.S. gasoline prices toward $2.00 a gallon.

Gasoline prices are the main inflationary measure by which costs have fallen during the first year of the new Trump administration. But they’re nowhere close to $2.00 per gallon. The national average for a gallon of regular unleaded is $2.76 per gallon this week, down 32 cents from a year ago, primarily because of rising OPEC oil production.

But Trump drew a sharp contrast with Europe’s energy landscape. Trump mocked the “Green New Scam,” citing a 64% spike in German electricity prices and the “catastrophic” decline of energy production in the United Kingdom. He targeted the North Sea and the proliferation of wind farms, which he labeled “losers” that “kill the birds.”

“Stupid people buy” wind farms, Trump laughed.



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Slipping on ICE: innocent retailers are the latest collateral damage from Trump’s perpetual noise machine

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In her classic 1961 book The Death and Life of Great American Cities, pioneering urbanologist Jane Jacobs advised that the key to safe cities is “more eyes on the street.”  She advocated that the best way to get these was to have neighborhoods filled with stores and restaurants. With local business providing a multitude of reasons for people to be active in city street life, eyes on the street would follow. It was these eyes that were mentioned by Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz in his January 14 primetime media appeal for the public to witness and document the increasingly horrific actions of the agency known as ICE, the once celebrated U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement office.

Increasingly known for daily video footage of seemingly arbitrary and brutal force, used by masked ICE agents against shoppers and workers at retail shops and restaurants, Walz urged shoppers to “take out that phone and hit record.” The public has been horrified by the killing of Renee Good, an unarmed 37-year-old mother of three and an American citizen, who was shot multiple times in the face by an ICE agent in her own Minneapolis neighborhood. But the footage of ICE brutality is everywhere, and much of it is occurring in retail establishments.

Consider the vivid hypocrisy of the ICE agents who were seen feasting at the popular El Tapatio Mexican Restaurant in Willmar, Minnesota, and then returning later to arrest the owner and employees of this café that had graciously served them. ICE actions have led several local establishments to close for foot traffic, taking only phone orders, while others reported sales drops of 75%. 

As for larger enterprises, with recent raids occurring in Los Angeles, Charlotte, and Phoenix, Fortune 500 giants around the nation including  Home Depot, Walmart, Target, Ross, Keurig Dr Pepper, and Constellation Brands have all increasingly warned about the impact of ICE raids on their businesses. Patrons and laborers at one Walmart in Van Nuys, California, faced multiple raids in the same day with people tackled and dragged away from ICE agents. Calls for boycotts of retailers who aid and abet ICE enforcement are understandable but retailers are also victims here. They can and should do more to make their roles more clear.

The eyes on the street

The impact of such ICE invasions into Minnesota is being shared nationally, with profound cost to local commerce and also local communities. Local merchants serve a deeper purpose to society than selling goods that are often available through ecommerce. Retail stores are among the last remaining shared civic spaces—places where people of all backgrounds still cross paths in the course of everyday life. Shopkeepers are community pillars because they build social ties, foster local identity, boost the economy by keeping money local, and act as hubs for connection, often providing personalized service and supporting local events, making neighborhoods more vibrant, resilient, and unique places to live and shop. They transform basic commerce into meaningful relationships and community gathering spots, strengthening the social fabric. 

America’s great retailers have long understood this. From Walmart’s Sam Walton to J.C. Penney to The Home Depot co-founders Bernie Marcus and Arthur Blank, retail legends have long described stores not merely as institutions of public trust. Blank has spoken of retail as a civic platform—a space where people from different walks of life come together in ordinary, human ways. Marcus has emphasized that Home Depot was built on dignity: respect for customers, respect for workers, and a belief that welcoming people into shared spaces strengthens communities rather than fragments them.

So, what could possibly disrupt that vision?

Last week, videos ricocheted across social media showing federal immigration agents restraining a man inside a Walmart in Minnesota and detaining individuals at the entrance of a Target. Days later, in Los Angeles, Home Depot parking lots—long informal hiring sites for day laborers—again became flashpoints for enforcement actions and community backlash. These were just a few of many ICE raids playing out across the country, in locales as varied as New York, Georgia, Texas and beyond, where shoppers have reported increased immigration enforcement activity near department stores and shopping centers, triggering protests, boycotts, and a growing sense that retail spaces are being repurposed into stages for public confrontation. 

This is surely not the retail experience that Marcus and Blank had in mind when they spoke of dignity and friendly community commons.

President Donald Trump is likely pulling this lever unprovoked to tear apart communities’ harmonious fabric as the kind of diversionary tactic that he often utilizes. Trump’s first year has been soundly rated a failure in all major national polls and in each dimension of national and international priorities.  Barely 37% say that Trump places the good of the country above his personal gain, and 32% say that he’s in touch with the problems ordinary Americans face in their daily lives. As we write about in our new book, Trump’s Ten Commandments, the president has long resorted to “perpetual noise machine” distractions when faced with plummeting poll numbers and challenges on the economy and affordability, seeking to divert attention away from his difficulties. This diversion comes at a real cost to retailers and to the American economy.

Multiple major national polls reveal that the ICE mission is failing, with most Americans condemning these raids as making American cities less safe — with 82% of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents leaning in this direction, but also 67% of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents. Even MAGA-friendly podcaster Joe Rogan launched a harsh takedown of ICE, likening them to the Gestapo secret police of Nazi Germany.

In fact, Minneapolis Police Chief Brian O’Hara, recently showed on Fox TV that, before the ICE invasions, all major categories of crime including violent crimes like murders and carjacks were down last year from 20% to 50%. Former Secretary of Homeland Security Jeh Johnson has shown this weekend that there has been no surge of undocumented immigrants in Minneapolis to justify what is now five times the number of federal law enforcement officers as there are municipal police.

It appears that even Trump is recoiling, offering a surprising criticism of ICE overreach in a New York Times interview this week. Indeed, unless there is some inexplicable policy goal to get Americans to buy ladders, hammers, toilet seats, piles of bricks, washers, dryers, and garage doors online instead of at neighborhood stores, there is no reason why retailers need to become ground zero.

Why would ICE want to hurt businesses that form the backbone of the American economy? After all, we don’t know how good UPS is at delivering garage doors house-to-house, or if FedEx could really handle deliveries of bricks, sinks, and toilets, if they were bought from Amazon instead of from neighborhood stores. While that notion might seem ridiculous, there is nothing funny or ludicrous about the fact that these administration/ICE overreaches risk serious and genuine economic damage if they continue unabated.

The facts about retailers’ lack of complicity

While ICE might be slipping on the ice, the activists who are attacking America’s most beloved retailers as somehow “complicit” with ICE raids in their stores are similarly slipping up. That narrative is wrong, and retailers need to throw rock salt urgently, to avoid flipping over themselves. Here are the facts, which are too often lost in the crossfire, and should be clarified urgently.

First, retailers need to clarify that they have not been complicit and have had no advance knowledge of these raids. Retailers are not accessories with ICE, nor enablers; they are also victims, caught in the crossfire of a political and legal dispute they did not choose.

This clarification is urgent, because critics on all sides misrepresent what retailers can—and cannot—do. One widely circulated myth holds that retailers invite ICE into their stores. In reality, ICE agents, like any law enforcement officers, may enter public spaces open to all customers without needing a warrant.

Another myth suggests that retailers can simply “ban ICE” from their properties if they choose, with some choosing to do so while other stores invite them in with open arms. That, too, misunderstands the law. A retail store is not a private home. As a public-facing space, retailers cannot selectively exclude certain groups—whether law enforcement or anyone else—from areas open to the general public. A store manager cannot “kick out ICE” the way they might remove a shoplifter. Even if a retailer tried to ban ICE, or any other law enforcement agency, from their otherwise public facing spaces, the law enforcement agency could simply ignore it under the law, and the retailer could be subject to a variety of legal claims, including discrimination or obstruction by the affected government entities. Some have suggested that perhaps stores could put whistles by the cash registers or parking lots, but in reality, retailers have no control.

A third myth claims that retailers are facilitating the arrest of their employees or customers. That is false. As Federal law enforcement officers, ICE agents have the authority to make arrests in any public spaces based on probable cause, without the consent—or cooperation—of the venue. While there are allegations that surveillance cameras operated by such retail partners as Flock Safety are being use to assist ICE raids as some activist investors charge,  retailers should assert this electronic collaborating is not true—consistent with denials by Flock Safety.

Retailers did not ask to be put into the middle of America’s political and legal fight over immigration. But they are being drafted nonetheless, and need to scream these facts loudly from the mountaintops to deescalate a worsening situation. Fortunately, they are not likely to use needlessly incendiary language the way some overreacting public officials do. Home Depot’s public statements capture the hard edge of their dilemma: the company has said it is neither notified in advance nor coordinating with immigration enforcement, while also acknowledging that it cannot legally interfere with federal agencies.

Now that retailers find themselves in the middle, they deserve something too often missing from this debate: truth, and they need to be screaming this truth loudly from the mountaintops. They are neither covert Quisling collaborators nor law enforcement-subverting antagonists. They are institutions built to welcome the public of all stripes, not to adjudicate federal policy—and they should not be targeted as such by either side.

Some may wonder, why target retailers? If the goal is to trigger unruly public unrest to justify presidential invocation of the insurrection act as some charge, why not visit the spirited crowds at WWE instead. The average Home Depot store has an impressive 2,000 transactions a day but a WWE slapdown such as Raw or Westlemania easily draws five times as many for 10,000 heated fans. If the goal is to capture foreign guests, why not raid the Metropolitan Opera crowds filled with EU national as performers or the American Ballet Theater or the Colorado Ballet known for their high Russian degree of heritage dancers, or the several hundred heavily promoted high kicking Shen Yun performances each year sponsored by the Chinese Falun Gung religious movement.

It is painful to see ICE arrests taking place in the aisles, parking lots, and entry foyers of Minneapolis stores. Who would have thought that even the raucous reputation of the Minnesota Vikings would look refined compared to the hard-edged, ICE enforcement actions? Perhaps they should drop their cowardly masks to hide their identities by donning Viking helmets with horns to more accurately dress for their retail raids. Regardless of the bias in whatever racial or political agenda may be behind this nightmarish remake of Eugene O’Neil’s dark drama of societal miscreants, The Iceman Cometh, the ICE men are making sure their own approval rating melts, while doing damage to both commerce and community safety.

The opinions expressed in Fortune.com commentary pieces are solely the views of their authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Fortune.

This story was originally featured on Fortune.com



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China has fulfilled its initial commitment to buy 12 million metric tons of soybeans from the U.S., but it’s not clear if the trade agreement announced in October can withstand President Donald Trump’s ever-shifting trade policy as American farmers are still dealing with high production costs.

Earlier this month, Trump said he would impose 25% tariffs on any country that buys from Iran, which would include China. Then last weekend he threatened to impose 10% tariffs on eight of America’s closest allies in Europe if they continue to oppose his efforts to acquire Greenland.

So the administration’s trade policy continues to change quickly, and Iowa State University agricultural economist Chad Hart said that could undermine the trade agreement with China and jeopardize the commitment by the world’s largest soybean buyer to purchase 25 million metric tons of American soybeans in each of the next three years.

“Those new tariffs — what does that mean for this agreement? Does it throw it out? Is it still binding? That’s sort of the game here now,” Hart said.

Beijing paused any purchase of U.S. soybeans last summer during its trade war with Washington but agreed to resume buying from American soybean farmers after Trump and Chinese leader Xi Jinping met in South Korea and agreed to a truce.

Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent announced the purchasing milestone China has met in an interview with Maria Bartiromo on Fox Business on Tuesday from the sidelines of a major economic forum in Davos, Switzerland, where Bessent met with his Chinese counterpart, Vice President He Lifeng. Bessent said China remains committed.

“He told me that just this week they completed their soybean purchases, and we’re looking forward to next year’s 25 million tons,” Bessent said. “They did everything they said they were going to do.”

Last fall, preliminary data from the Department of Agriculture cast doubts on whether China would live up to the agreement because it was slow to begin purchasing American soybeans and there is a lag before the purchases show up in the official numbers.

On Tuesday, the USDA data showed that China had bought more than 8 million tons of U.S. soybeans by Jan. 8, and its daily reports indicated that China placed several more orders since then, ranging from 132,000 tons to more than 300,000 tons.

China has shifted much of its soybean purchases over to Brazil and Argentina in recent years to diversify its sources and find the cheapest deals. Last year, Brazilian beans accounted for more than 70% of China’s imports, while the U.S. share was down to 21%, World Bank data shows.

Trump is planning to send roughly $12 billion in aid to U.S. farmers to help them withstand the trade war, but farmers say the aid won’t solve all their problems as they continue to deal with the soaring costs of fertilizer, seeds and labor that make it hard to turn a profit right now. Soybean farmers will get $30.88 per acre while corn farmers will receive $44.36 per acre. Another crop hit hard when China stopped buying was sorghum, and those farmers will get $48.11 per acre. The amounts are based on a USDA formula on the cost of production.

That and uncertainty about trade markets and how much farmers will receive for their crops has even some of the most optimistic farmers worried, said Cory Walters, who is an associate professor in the University of Nebraska-Lincoln’s Department of Agricultural Economics. Soybean prices jumped up above $11.50 per bushel after the agreement was announced, but the price has since fallen to about $10.56 per bushel on Tuesday. So prices are close to where they were a year ago and aren’t high enough to cover most farmers’ costs.

“Everything is changing — the land rental market, the fertilizer market, the seed market and it’s all pinching the farmer when they go to do their cash flows. The ability to make a decision is tougher now because of all the uncertainty in the market,” Walters said.

___

This story has been updated to correct that Bessent spoke on Fox Business, not Fox News.

___

Funk reported from Omaha, Nebraska. Associated Press writers Didi Tang and Fatima Hussein contributed from Washington.



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