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K-shaped economy math shows why Trump’s base feels betrayed

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Days before President Donald Trump was sworn in for his second term, he acknowledged the high prices Americans were seeing at the gas pump and grocery store, pledging to bring them down.

“It’s always hard to bring down prices when somebody else has screwed something up like [President Joe Biden] did,” Trump said in a news conference in early January. “We’re going to have prices down. I think you’re going to see some pretty drastic price reductions.”

According to exit polls from the November 2024 election, Americans resonated with Trump’s messaging around prices. Exit polls indicated a higher proportion of voters without college degrees and those making less than $100,000 per year cast their ballot for Trump, cementing a rightward shift for the working class that has been trending in that direction for about a decade.

But those patterns are shifting once more as emerging economic data shows that the K-shaped economy, coined on Twitter during the pandemic as a half-joking response to debates about whether the recovery would be “U” or “V” shaped, is real. One year into Trump 2.0, the notion is becoming reality of diverging fortunes for wealthy and poor Americans. It has tanked confidence in the economy—and the president who promised to solve the affordability crisis in the U.S. 

While a wave of working-class voters flooded the Republican party ahead of the 2024 presidential election, that same group sent a loud message in the early November off-year elections, electing Democrats in every single race in which they were running. This included moderates Mikie Sherrill and Abigail Spanberger in New Jersey and Virginia, respectively, and firebrand democratic socialist mayors in New York and Virginia: Zohran Mamdani, and Katie Wilson. Their common theme: affordability.

Economists have made it clear that something real is shifting: The rich are getting richer, and the poor are getting poorer. This week, Apollo chief economist Trosten Slok noted wage growth for the lowest-income Americans plummeted to its lowest in about a decade, while wage growth for the highest-income group surpassed all other income levels, citing data from the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta. Moody’s Analytics found last month that for the second quarter of 2025, the top 10% of households made up nearly 50% of all consumer spending. According to calculations by New York University economics professor Edward Nathan Wolff, the top 20% of America’s wealthiest households own nearly 93% of all stock. 

Comments from executives in third-quarter earnings made clear that the Fortune 500 see a “bifurcated” economy. Delta seemed almost surprised at how its premium and business travel seats are due to eclipse the main cabin in 2026, a year ahead of schedule. While McDonald’s CEO talked about a “bifurcated consumer base,” with traffic growth strong among higher-income consumers. By and large, fast-food companies boomed in the quarter while higher-priced “slop bowl” chains such as Sweetgreen, Cava and Chipotle have been struggling to arrest a decline in same-store sales as consumers trade down.

The housing market, only in recent memory a booming segment of the economy where many locked in huge equity gains at low mortgage rates, has become nearly frozen because of the “lock-in effect.” It’s simply unaffordable to sell your house and buy another one with mortgage rates above 6%. The first-time homebuyer age hit 40 years old in 2025, according to the National Association of Realtors, revealing that only people with some degree of wealth accumulated over many years of adulthood can afford to make purchases in the housing sector.

“We’ve probably made housing unaffordable for a whole generation of Americans,” The Amherst Group CEO Sean Dobson said at the ResiDay real-estate conference in New York in November, telling Fortune on the sidelines that people have done what they’ve been told by getting an education and good jobs “and then they didn’t get what they were promised.”

Trump’s role in the K-shaped economy

Some of these indicators can be traced back to Trump, who himself rode affordability concerns to a 2024 election victory that once seemed implausible. Pantheon Macroeconomics analysts Samuel Tombs and Oliver Allen said in a September research note that suppressed income growth was a result of Trump’s tariff policies, which had forced businesses to slash wages in order to preserve margins that took a hit from the import taxes. In the wake of the November elections

“Data show wage growth has slowed more in the trade and transportation sector, and to a lower level, than any other major sector since the end of last year. Fears workers would be able to secure larger wage increases in response to the tariffs look highly unlikely to be realized,” the analysts wrote.

Peter Loge, a professor of media and public affairs at George Washington University, who served as senior advisor to the FDA commissioner under President Barack Obama, told Fortune that Trump’s economic priorities can be ascertained by whom he surrounds himself with.

“President Trump has installed very wealthy people with very senior positions in government, which isn’t a bad thing, but it’s limiting,” Loge told Fortune, naming in particular Elon Musk, who served as head of the Department of Government Efficiency in the administration’s first months.

Loge said the installation of these wealthy figures, as well as the courtship of powerful tech CEOs like Larry Ellison and Sam Altman, illustrates priorities to serve these individuals. The president signed a law in July for a roughly $4 trillion package of tax cuts, primarily benefiting companies and wealthy Americans. Those wealthy individuals, in turn, pour their money into the stock market, feeding the top half of the K, Loge noted.

These factors are on top of the administration’s controversial decision to halt funding for SNAP benefits during the government shutdown and require millions of low-income Americans to reapply for the benefits in an effort to combat “fraud,” according to Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins.

But to be sure, the K-shaped economy has existed for decades, economists say, and other economic factors have little to do with the president’s policies. The “low-hire, low-fire” labor market of 2025, for example—which has in particular battered lower-income, entry-level workers such as Gen Z—is more a result of businesses becoming more conservative in their hiring and firing practices following a pandemic-era labor shortage and a hiring binge that may have gone too far during the so-called “Great Resignation.”

Changing sentiments

Lower-income Americans are noting these changes, with consumer sentiment similarly diverging in a K-shape, something Peter Atwater, adjunct professor of economics at William & Mary, who popularized the term “K-shaped economy”, believes is being overlooked in the K-shaped conversation. Last month, the bottom third of income levels felt much less confident about the U.S. economy compared to the top third, according to data from the University of Michigan’s Survey of Consumers.

“What we have today is a small group of individuals who feel intense certainty paired with relentless power control—and on the other, it is a sea of despair,” he told Fortune. “And that’s the piece that never gets talked about.”

Atwater’s diagnosis rhymed with a Financial Times column from Robert Armstrong, of Unhedged, who wrote this week that America has always been unequal, but what makes this moment K-shaped is a loss of faith in future earnings among the lower-income cohort. “It could be,” he wrote, “that after five years of going nowhere, households in the bottom half of the wealth and income distributions have started to anticipate a bleaker future and are changing their spending habits accordingly.”

Nose-diving confidence in the U.S. economy is reflected in the attitudes of Republicans and independents who voted for Trump. About 30% of Republicans believe Trump has fallen short of their expectations regarding the economy, according to a national NBC News poll this month. Two-thirds of independents blamed Trump for increasing inflation, per an ABC News/Washington Poll poll conducted in October. CNN polling data meanwhile shows Trump’s approval rating has reached its lowest level since he took office the second time.

“People want to know that they can afford a medical bill if they get sick, their kids will have a better future than they do, or have a chance of a better future,” Loge told Fortune. “And if voters feel like things aren’t working, they fire their politicians in charge to hire new ones.”

“Voters are pretty well saying, ‘We don’t think whatever the Republicans are doing is making stuff less expensive. We need life to be more affordable and less chaotic. It’s pretty unavoidably chaotic. Now we’re going to bring in new people to try a new thing,’” Loge said.

Trump has noted the changing political attitudes following the election, floating a raft of proposals aimed at easing consumers’ pain, such as a 50-year mortgage and $2,000 rebate checks coming from tariff revenue. He said in a Fox News interview earlier this month his party has not done enough to assure Americans about the state of the economy.

“We learned a lot,” Trump said. “Republicans don’t talk about it. They don’t talk about the word affordability.”

UBS Wealth Management’s global chief economist, Paul Donovan, warned that “affordability” may prove to be an enduring, even intractable problem in both economic and political discourse. In his weekly blog, Donovan wrote that the concept is “subtly different” from both “inflation” and from the “cost-of-living crisis.” It’s an anger about the feeling “I can’t afford that,” he added, one that could be tricky to disprove.

“People want things (generally ‘better’ things than they currently have) and are upset that they cannot afford those things,” Donovan wrote. “This may make affordability a more enduring problem than in the past.” He added that social media “fuels resentment” about affordability, as it presents “carefully curated, idealized lifestyles” that are just out of reach to anyone with a smartphone.

Shifting political tides

Loge hesitated to make predictions about what this changing sentiment means for upcoming elections, particularly if Trump’s tariffs are indeed successful, which could result in an outpouring of support for future Republican candidates. However, he suggested legacy or incumbent politicians from both major parties will have challenges getting elected. Atwater believes the desire—and need—for affordability transcends party lines.

“We, particularly those on the left and the right and the establishment, woefully underappreciate how purple the bottom is,” he said. “The unified despair, the sheer desperation on both sides of the aisle, and that will continue to lead to an anti-establishment vote,” he said.

Atwater suggested that so long as Americans perceive a broadening wealth gap, lower- and middle-income consumers will continue to harbor resentment for the ultra-wealthy that could simmer over. He cited a 2011 study from the New England Complex Systems Institute, which linked social unrest in North Africa and the Middle East during the Arab Spring of 2010 to rising food prices.

“This is a crisis of confidence,” Atwater said. “Sadly, those who are in the best position to address it seem at best indifferent, and that does not go unnoticed by those at the bottom.”

Nick Lichtenberg contributed reporting



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Senate Dems’ plan to fix Obamacare premiums adds nearly $300 billion to deficit, CRFB says

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The Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget (CRFB) is a nonpartisan watchdog that regularly estimates how much the U.S. Congress is adding to the $38 trillion national debt.

With enhanced Affordable Care Act (ACA) subsidies due to expire within days, some Senate Democrats are scrambling to protect millions of Americans from getting the unpleasant holiday gift of spiking health insurance premiums. The CRFB says there’s just one problem with the plan: It’s not funded.

“With the national debt as large as the economy and interest payments costing $1 trillion annually, it is absurd to suggest adding hundreds of billions more to the debt,” CRFB President Maya MacGuineas wrote in a statement on Friday afternoon.

The proposal, backed by members of the Senate Democratic caucus, would fully extend the enhanced ACA subsidies for three years, from 2026 through 2028, with no additional income limits on who can qualify. Those subsidies, originally boosted during the pandemic and later renewed, were designed to lower premiums and prevent coverage losses for middle‑ and lower‑income households purchasing insurance on the ACA exchanges.

CRFB estimated that even this three‑year extension alone would add roughly $300 billion to federal deficits over the next decade, largely because the federal government would continue to shoulder a larger share of premium costs while enrollment and subsidy amounts remain elevated. If Congress ultimately moves to make the enhanced subsidies permanent—as many advocates have urged—the total cost could swell to nearly $550 billion in additional borrowing over the next decade.

Reversing recent guardrails

MacGuineas called the Senate bill “far worse than even a debt-financed extension” as it would roll back several “program integrity” measures that were enacted as part of a 2025 reconciliation law and were intended to tighten oversight of ACA subsidies. On top of that, it would be funded by borrowing even more. “This is a bad idea made worse,” MacGuineas added.

The watchdog group’s central critique is that the new Senate plan does not attempt to offset its costs through spending cuts or new revenue and, in their view, goes beyond a simple extension by expanding the underlying subsidy structure.

The legislation would permanently repeal restrictions that eliminated subsidies for certain groups enrolling during special enrollment periods and would scrap rules requiring full repayment of excess advance subsidies and stricter verification of eligibility and tax reconciliation. The bill would also nullify portions of a 2025 federal regulation that loosened limits on the actuarial value of exchange plans and altered how subsidies are calculated, effectively reshaping how generous plans can be and how federal support is determined. CRFB warned these reversals would increase costs further while weakening safeguards designed to reduce misuse and error in the subsidy system.

MacGuineas said that any subsidy extension should be paired with broader reforms to curb health spending and reduce overall borrowing. In her view, lawmakers are missing a chance to redesign ACA support in a way that lowers premiums while also improving the long‑term budget outlook.

The debate over ACA subsidies recently contributed to a government funding standoff, and CRFB argued that the new Senate bill reflects a political compromise that prioritizes short‑term relief over long‑term fiscal responsibility.

“After a pointless government shutdown over this issue, it is beyond disappointing that this is the preferred solution to such an important issue,” MacGuineas wrote.

The off-year elections cast the government shutdown and cost-of-living arguments in a different light. Democrats made stunning gains and almost flipped a deep-red district in Tennessee as politicians from the far left and center coalesced around “affordability.”

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer is reportedly smelling blood in the water and doubling down on the theme heading into the pivotal midterm elections of 2026. President Donald Trump is scheduled to visit Pennsylvania soon to discuss pocketbook anxieties. But he is repeating predecessor Joe Biden’s habit of dismissing inflation, despite widespread evidence to the contrary.

“We fixed inflation, and we fixed almost everything,” Trump said in a Tuesday cabinet meeting, in which he also dismissed affordability as a “hoax” pushed by Democrats.​

Lawmakers on both sides of the aisle now face a politically fraught choice: allow premiums to jump sharply—including in swing states like Pennsylvania where ACA enrollees face double‑digit increases—or pass an expensive subsidy extension that would, as CRFB calculates, explode the deficit without addressing underlying health care costs.



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Netflix–Warner Bros. deal sets up $72 billion antitrust test

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Netflix Inc. has won the heated takeover battle for Warner Bros. Discovery Inc. Now it must convince global antitrust regulators that the deal won’t give it an illegal advantage in the streaming market. 

The $72 billion tie-up joins the world’s dominant paid streaming service with one of Hollywood’s most iconic movie studios. It would reshape the market for online video content by combining the No. 1 streaming player with the No. 4 service HBO Max and its blockbuster hits such as Game Of ThronesFriends, and the DC Universe comics characters franchise.  

That could raise red flags for global antitrust regulators over concerns that Netflix would have too much control over the streaming market. The company faces a lengthy Justice Department review and a possible US lawsuit seeking to block the deal if it doesn’t adopt some remedies to get it cleared, analysts said.

“Netflix will have an uphill climb unless it agrees to divest HBO Max as well as additional behavioral commitments — particularly on licensing content,” said Bloomberg Intelligence analyst Jennifer Rie. “The streaming overlap is significant,” she added, saying the argument that “the market should be viewed more broadly is a tough one to win.”

By choosing Netflix, Warner Bros. has jilted another bidder, Paramount Skydance Corp., a move that risks touching off a political battle in Washington. Paramount is backed by the world’s second-richest man, Larry Ellison, and his son, David Ellison, and the company has touted their longstanding close ties to President Donald Trump. Their acquisition of Paramount, which closed in August, has won public praise from Trump. 

Comcast Corp. also made a bid for Warner Bros., looking to merge it with its NBCUniversal division.

The Justice Department’s antitrust division, which would review the transaction in the US, could argue that the deal is illegal on its face because the combined market share would put Netflix well over a 30% threshold.

The White House, the Justice Department and Comcast didn’t immediately respond to requests for comment. 

US lawmakers from both parties, including Republican Representative Darrell Issa and Democratic Senator Elizabeth Warren have already faulted the transaction — which would create a global streaming giant with 450 million users — as harmful to consumers.

“This deal looks like an anti-monopoly nightmare,” Warren said after the Netflix announcement. Utah Senator Mike Lee, a Republican, said in a social media post earlier this week that a Warner Bros.-Netflix tie-up would raise more serious competition questions “than any transaction I’ve seen in about a decade.”

European Union regulators are also likely to subject the Netflix proposal to an intensive review amid pressure from legislators. In the UK, the deal has already drawn scrutiny before the announcement, with House of Lords member Baroness Luciana Berger pressing the government on how the transaction would impact competition and consumer prices.

The combined company could raise prices and broadly impact “culture, film, cinemas and theater releases,”said Andreas Schwab, a leading member of the European Parliament on competition issues, after the announcement.

Paramount has sought to frame the Netflix deal as a non-starter. “The simple truth is that a deal with Netflix as the buyer likely will never close, due to antitrust and regulatory challenges in the United States and in most jurisdictions abroad,” Paramount’s antitrust lawyers wrote to their counterparts at Warner Bros. on Dec. 1.

Appealing directly to Trump could help Netflix avoid intense antitrust scrutiny, New Street Research’s Blair Levin wrote in a note on Friday. Levin said it’s possible that Trump could come to see the benefit of switching from a pro-Paramount position to a pro-Netflix position. “And if he does so, we believe the DOJ will follow suit,” Levin wrote.

Netflix co-Chief Executive Officer Ted Sarandos had dinner with Trump at the president’s Mar-a-Lago resort in Florida last December, a move other CEOs made after the election in order to win over the administration. In a call with investors Friday morning, Sarandos said that he’s “highly confident in the regulatory process,” contending the deal favors consumers, workers and innovation. 

“Our plans here are to work really closely with all the appropriate governments and regulators, but really confident that we’re going to get all the necessary approvals that we need,” he said.

Netflix will likely argue to regulators that other video services such as Google’s YouTube and ByteDance Ltd.’s TikTok should be included in any analysis of the market, which would dramatically shrink the company’s perceived dominance.

The US Federal Communications Commission, which regulates the transfer of broadcast-TV licenses, isn’t expected to play a role in the deal, as neither hold such licenses. Warner Bros. plans to spin off its cable TV division, which includes channels such as CNN, TBS and TNT, before the sale.

Even if antitrust reviews just focus on streaming, Netflix believes it will ultimately prevail, pointing to Amazon.com Inc.’s Prime and Walt Disney Co. as other major competitors, according to people familiar with the company’s thinking. 

Netflix is expected to argue that more than 75% of HBO Max subscribers already subscribe to Netflix, making them complementary offerings rather than competitors, said the people, who asked not to be named discussing confidential deliberations. The company is expected to make the case that reducing its content costs through owning Warner Bros., eliminating redundant back-end technology and bundling Netflix with Max will yield lower prices.



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The rise of AI reasoning models comes with a big energy tradeoff

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Nearly all leading artificial intelligence developers are focused on building AI models that mimic the way humans reason, but new research shows these cutting-edge systems can be far more energy intensive, adding to concerns about AI’s strain on power grids.

AI reasoning models used 30 times more power on average to respond to 1,000 written prompts than alternatives without this reasoning capability or which had it disabled, according to a study released Thursday. The work was carried out by the AI Energy Score project, led by Hugging Face research scientist Sasha Luccioni and Salesforce Inc. head of AI sustainability Boris Gamazaychikov.

The researchers evaluated 40 open, freely available AI models, including software from OpenAI, Alphabet Inc.’s Google and Microsoft Corp. Some models were found to have a much wider disparity in energy consumption, including one from Chinese upstart DeepSeek. A slimmed-down version of DeepSeek’s R1 model used just 50 watt hours to respond to the prompts when reasoning was turned off, or about as much power as is needed to run a 50 watt lightbulb for an hour. With the reasoning feature enabled, the same model required 7,626 watt hours to complete the tasks.

The soaring energy needs of AI have increasingly come under scrutiny. As tech companies race to build more and bigger data centers to support AI, industry watchers have raised concerns about straining power grids and raising energy costs for consumers. A Bloomberg investigation in September found that wholesale electricity prices rose as much as 267% over the past five years in areas near data centers. There are also environmental drawbacks, as Microsoft, Google and Amazon.com Inc. have previously acknowledged the data center buildout could complicate their long-term climate objectives

More than a year ago, OpenAI released its first reasoning model, called o1. Where its prior software replied almost instantly to queries, o1 spent more time computing an answer before responding. Many other AI companies have since released similar systems, with the goal of solving more complex multistep problems for fields like science, math and coding.

Though reasoning systems have quickly become the industry norm for carrying out more complicated tasks, there has been little research into their energy demands. Much of the increase in power consumption is due to reasoning models generating much more text when responding, the researchers said. 

The new report aims to better understand how AI energy needs are evolving, Luccioni said. She also hopes it helps people better understand that there are different types of AI models suited to different actions. Not every query requires tapping the most computationally intensive AI reasoning systems.

“We should be smarter about the way that we use AI,” Luccioni said. “Choosing the right model for the right task is important.”

To test the difference in power use, the researchers ran all the models on the same computer hardware. They used the same prompts for each, ranging from simple questions — such as asking which team won the Super Bowl in a particular year — to more complex math problems. They also used a software tool called CodeCarbon to track how much energy was being consumed in real time.

The results varied considerably. The researchers found one of Microsoft’s Phi 4 reasoning models used 9,462 watt hours with reasoning turned on, compared with about 18 watt hours with it off. OpenAI’s largest gpt-oss model, meanwhile, had a less stark difference. It used 8,504 watt hours with reasoning on the most computationally intensive “high” setting and 5,313 watt hours with the setting turned down to “low.” 

OpenAI, Microsoft, Google and DeepSeek did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Google released internal research in August that estimated the median text prompt for its Gemini AI service used 0.24 watt-hours of energy, roughly equal to watching TV for less than nine seconds. Google said that figure was “substantially lower than many public estimates.” 

Much of the discussion about AI power consumption has focused on large-scale facilities set up to train artificial intelligence systems. Increasingly, however, tech firms are shifting more resources to inference, or the process of running AI systems after they’ve been trained. The push toward reasoning models is a big piece of that as these systems are more reliant on inference.

Recently, some tech leaders have acknowledged that AI’s power draw needs to be reckoned with. Microsoft CEO Satya Nadella said the industry must earn the “social permission to consume energy” for AI data centers in a November interview. To do that, he argued tech must use AI to do good and foster broad economic growth.



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