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It’s a sequel, it’s a remake, it’s a reboot: Lawyers grow wistful for old corporate rumbles as Paramount, Netflix fight for Warner

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Corporate-law scholars say the bidding war for Warner Bros. Discovery has become a strange kind of legal nostalgia trip, dragging Paramount back to center stage for the first time in decadesand reviving vintage doctrines from Revlon to the “Cuban beer” defense as Netflix tries to lock up a once‑in‑a‑generation deal. What looks on the surface like a clean strategic bolt‑on for the world’s biggest streamer is, in the eyes of the experts who teach this stuff, a big-budget Hollywood legacy act, following in the footsteps of the takeover sagas that defined 20th-century Tinseltown.​

Anyone who lived through the 1989 takeover that resulted in the landmark lawsuit Paramount Communications v. Time battle hears an echo. Back then, Time Inc. was trying to merge with Warner Communications when Paramount tried to blow up the deal with a rich hostile bid for Time itself, triggering a bidding war and a landmark Delaware ruling on when, and how, boards can say no.​ Of course, Time Warner emerged as a media powerhouse, reigning for decades before a 2000 tie-up with AOL that many consider to be the most disastrous merger in corporate history.

Anthony Sabino, a veteran legal practitioner and professor at St. John’s University in Queens, N.Y., who teaches those cases, called today’s fight “a sequel, not a reboot,” with Paramount, which is competing with Netflix to buy WBD, once again in the eye of a takeover hurricane. He pointed out that Paramount also fronted the 1994 Paramount v. QVC clash—also ultimately decided in Delaware—where Barry Diller’s QVC was rebuffed in favor of Sumner Redstone’s Viacomin a bid to buy Paramount, cementing the modernempire that has since mutated into Paramount Global and, as of 2024, Paramount Skydance.

The same brands and some of the same power players, from John Malone to Redstone’s successors, are back on the call sheet, only this time the battleground is streaming instead of cable and print.​ Diller himself agreed, telling The New York Times by email earlier this week, “yes, it is turning into a repeat.”

But the rapid turn of events that saw Netflix strike a binding deal worth $72 billion in equity (and nearly $83 billion including debt), only to see Paramount go public with an all-but hostile bid worth $77.9 billion in equity (and $108 billion including debt) has also brought a cosmetics name into the conversation, famous to corporate lawyers: Revlon.

The Revlon element

Named after the 1986 Delaware decision in Revlon v. MacAndrews & Forbes, the Revlon doctrine “governs sort of how you should behave when you’re selling [a] company, and it says you can’t favor, you can’t think about anything other than shareholder value,” according to Columbia law professor Dorothy Lund. She explained that in that deal, the hostile takeover of cosmetics firm Revlon by the famed financier Ronald Perelman in the mid-1980s, the Revlon CEO had a “deep personal antipathy” for Perelman and structured a deal with a different private equity buyer. Ultimately, the Delaware Supreme Court ruled that the board of Revlon, like every other company, has a “heightened responsibility to be an auctioneer and thinking about getting the best value for shareholders,” Lund said, “and what you can’t do is play favorites. Everything that you have to do has to be done in service of shareholder value.”

The announcement of the Netflix deal on Dec. 5 implied that Warner had made the best choice for shareholders by choosing the big-red streamer, but Paramount’s announcement the next business day, with a potentially higher bid, put the Revlon precedent in play, both Sabino and Lund explained. Paramount’s subsequent regulatory filing revealed what it claimed was a pattern of minimal engagement from major Warner stakeholders, including CEO David Zaslav and the so-called “cable cowboy” John Malone, who serves as chair emeritus, having stepped down from the board earlier this year while retaining significant stock. (Malone backed Diller and QVC in their ultimately unsuccessful 1994 bid for Paramount, as both Malone and Diller discussed in separate memoirs released in 2025.)

While Lund said that she doesn’t personally think there’s a strong Revlon claim quite yet, “I think the board has to be really careful what they do in the coming weeks,” because the Warner Bros. Discovery board can’t appear to be playing favorites for personal reasons. “Now the tricky thing is going to be, clearly everybody’s got money left on the table, right?” Lund noted that Paramount has indicated that its $30-per-share offer is not its last and best offer, while Netflix also has room to go up. “Now the board is in this tricky position of trying to engineer this deal to get the most value for shareholders.” They might well be compelled under their Revlon duty to either go back to Netflix and say they need a higher bid or go back to Paramount and take its bid seriously.

Lund said that the two-way fight between Paramount and Netflix is almost a fact pattern ripped from one of her exam books, with Paramount’s David Ellison effectively accusing CEO David Zaslav and the Warner board of violating their Revlon duties by favoring a more complex, slower Netflix package over a simple all‑cash offer. Lund also raised the Paramount vs. Time precedent, which was essentially about the choice of a merger partner on cultural rather than financial grounds. “You can’t say, ‘Well, I just like the culture,” which was an argument in that deal where one bidder was seen as more likely to preserve the Time culture. Boards can discount a higher price only for concrete reasons like firmer financing or cleaner regulatory paths, not because they like a bidder’s vibe, in other words.​ This is on display between Netflix, Warner and Paramount, with Ted Sarandos and David Zaslav reported to be on friendly terms, and Paramount’s regulatory filings suggesting a frosty distance between Zaslav and Ellison.

The clash of personalities is part of why experts lick their lips over media megamergers. “These are media personalities,” Sabino said, “and these folks are very powerful individuals … these are fantastically successful folks. And they don’t like it when you say no.”

Paul Nary, an assistant professor of management who teaches M&A and tracks dozens of mega‑deals at the Wharton School of Business, said “this is like my equivalent of a Super Bowl.” He highlighted the strange appeal that media assets tend to have over time, citing the mix of egos and what are perceived to be “marquee assets.” Speaking to the likely legal challenges involving Revlon and Time that will likely emerge between these two offers, Nary said a valuation dispute will be key. He said the Netflix and Paramount offers are close to each other, “depending on how much you assess the equity components, how you assess the value of the spin-out and all of these other things.”

The value of the spin-out, a company to be known as Discovery Global, stands to be much debated over the coming months, maybe even in court, but at least one analyst has put a number on the assets that Paramount wants to buy—and Netflix doesn’t, explaining the valuation gap. Bank of America Research analyst Jessica Reif Ehrlich and her team released a note on Dec. 7, after the Netflix deal and before the Paramount offer, estimating Netflix’s deal as worth more than $30 per share to WBD shareholders. Ehrlich’s team calculated Discovery Global as being worth roughly $3 per share, which would make Netflix’s $27.75-per-share offer richer than Paramount’s. But if Discovery Global was worth $4 per share, then Paramount’s deal could be seen as richer.

Cuban beer, Jewish dentists, and Gulf cash

Sabino argued that this case promises to recall even some more esoteric defenses, deep cuts like thetitles buried inside the Netflix library. He mentioned the “Jewish dentist” defense—a case from the 1970s where opponents of a deal warned that Jewish clients might shun a dental‑supply firm if a Kuwait-based investment vehicle succeeded.​

There was also the less successful “Cuban beer” defense that Sabino characterized as a variation of “Jewish dentist.” It arose in 2008 when InBev, aglobal beer conglomerate based in Belgium, tried to acquire the iconic American beer company Anheuser-Busch. Through a subsidiary, InBev had operations in Cuba, and Anheuser-Busch tried to raise these as a concern as it attempted to keep its independence. Sabino told Reuters at the time that it was a “brilliant but desperate move,” and AB InBev was ultimately formed out of the historic $107 billion merger.

The connection to these deals, of course, is the Middle Eastern funding component of the Paramount bid for WBD. Valued at $24 billion, the Middle Eastern backing was facilitated in part by Jared Kushner, President Trump’s son-in-law, and Sabino said he expects someone to ask whether Americans will ultimately really want Middle Eastern sovereign funds holding big stakes in a Hollywood, even though David Ellison claims that those stakes won’t involve any governance rights. Analyst Rich Greenfield of LightShed Partners challenged Ellison about this directly on a conference call about Paramount’s bid: “Just wondering if you could give us any color on why they’re investing so much with no governance, right? Like what’s the — is there any rationale you can provide?”

Ellison responded to Greenfield that the compelling “industrial logic” would create a company generating a lot of cash flow immediately. “When you look at that from a returns perspective, it’s incredibly attractive to—obviously, to all shareholders. And from that standpoint, I think that’s why our partners obviously are here.”

Referring to the Middle Eastern and Kushner-adjacent aspects of this story being different from the legal textbooks, Lund said “there are aspects of this that feel like a throwback, and there’s aspects of this that just feel so 2025.”

“Under Revlon,” she said, “you have to think about what’s going to create shareholder value. You think that would be a politically neutral thing, right? But when you have a president that’s out there saying, I’ve got a perspective on this, and I’m going to be involved in this, and that’s going to affect regulatory clearance. Now, all of a sudden, you have to worry about that whole political aspect of it as a part of your Revlon duty. And that’s very new.” Lund said dealmakers are confronting political entanglements that they haven’t had to confront before.

Sabino, by contrast, downplayed the political aspect as “overblown,” arguing that both offers ultimately turn on money and law, not party ties. “I think politics has very little to do with it, okay? Because again, the bottom line is, this is business. This is about money, okay?” The president, Sabino added, is a “very energetic guy” who “says a lot of stuff.” At the end of the day, Sabino said, he thinks Revlon and Time and shareholder value will win out, with Sarandos, Ellison and Warner, regardless of their political persuasion, playing M&A hardball. “These folks are deadly serious.”

Editor’s note: The author worked for Netflix from June 2024 through July 2025.



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Female libido pill gets expanded approval for menopause by FDA

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U.S. health officials have expanded approval of a much-debated drug aimed at boosting female libido, saying the once-a-day pill can now be taken by postmenopausal women up to 65 years old.

The announcement Monday from the Food and Drug Administration broadens the drug’s use to older women who have gone through menopause. The pill, Addyi, was first approved 10 years ago for premenopausal women who report emotional stress due to low sex drive.

Addyi, marketed by Sprout Pharmaceuticals, was initially expected to become a blockbuster drug, filling an important niche in women’s health. But the drug came with unpleasant side effects including dizziness and nausea, and it carries a safety warning about the dangers of combining it with alcohol.

The boxed warning cautions that drinking while consuming the pill can cause dangerously low blood pressure and fainting. If patients have several drinks, the label recommends waiting a few hours before taking the drug, or skipping one dose.

Sales of Addyi, which acts on brain chemicals that affect mood and appetite, fell short of Wall Street’s initial expectations. In 2019, the FDA approved a second drug for low female libido, an on-demand injection that acts on a different set of neurological chemicals.

Sprout CEO Cindy Eckert said in a statement the approval “reflects a decade of persistent work with the FDA to fundamentally change how women’s sexual health is understood and prioritized.” The company, based in Raleigh, North Carolina, announced the FDA update in a press release Monday.

The medical condition for a troublingly low sexual appetite, called hypoactive sexual desire disorder, has been recognized since the 1990s and is thought to affect a significant portion of American women, according to surveys. After the blockbuster success of Viagra for men in the 1990s, drugmakers began pouring money into research and potential therapies for sexual dysfunction in women.

But diagnosing the condition is complicated because of how many factors can affect libido, especially after menopause, when falling hormone levels trigger a number of biological changes and medical symptoms. Doctors are supposed to rule out a number of other issues, including relationship problems, medical conditions, depression and other mental disorders, before prescribing medication.

The diagnosis is not universally accepted, and some psychologists argue that low sex drive should not be considered a medical problem.

The FDA rejected Addyi twice prior to its 2015 approval, citing the drug’s modest effectiveness and worrisome side effects. The approval came after a lobbying campaign by the company and its supporters, Even the Score, which framed the lack of options for female libido as a women’s rights issue.

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This story has been updated to correct the age range of the FDA approval update. The agency approved the drug for postmenopausal women up to age 65, not older than 65.

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The Associated Press Health and Science Department receives support from the Howard Hughes Medical Institute’s Department of Science Education and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. The AP is solely responsible for all content.



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Gavin Newsom hires former CDC officials to work as public health consultants for state of California

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Two former senior officials from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, including one fired by the Trump administration, will join California as public health consultants, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced Monday.

California joined Washington and Oregon — two other states with Democratic governors — to launch an alliance in September to establish their own public health guidance and vaccine recommendations, as the Trump administration makes sweeping changes to vaccine and health policy.

Susan Monarez was fired as the CDC’s director and Dr. Debra Houry resigned as the agency’s chief medical officer and deputy director over disputes about changes at the agency. The two will work with California’s public health department to help build trust in “science-driven decision-making,” Newsom’s office said.

“By bringing on expert scientific leaders to partner in this launch,” Newsom said in a statement, “we’re strengthening collaboration and laying the groundwork for a modern public health infrastructure that will offer trust and stability in scientific data not just across California, but nationally and globally.”

California has increasingly positioned itself as a counterweight to federal health policy, and Newsom has amped up his criticisms of President Donald Trump and challenged the Republican’s policies in court. The governor’s final term ends in just over a year and he’s gearing up for a possible presidential run in 2028.

California state Sen. Tony Strickland, a Republican, said the new initiative is an example of Newsom prioritizing his national political ambitions over the state.

“California has serious problems, and we need serious solutions from a serious leader,” Strickland said in a statement.

The White House and U.S. Department of Health and Human Services did not respond to emails seeking comment on the hirings.

Trump and Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. have repeated falsehoods about vaccines, and the administration has given health recommendations this year that experts say were not backed by science.

Trump in September urged pregnant women not to take Tylenol, saying it could pose a risk of autism to their babies, remarks medical experts said were irresponsible. The CDC website was changed last month to contradict the longtime scientific conclusion that vaccines do not cause autism. A federal vaccine advisory panel voted earlier this month to reverse decades-old guidance recommending that all U.S. babies get immunized against the liver infection hepatitis B on the day they’re born. The vaccine is credited with preventing thousands of illnesses.

Monarez, a former director of a federal biomedical research agency, was named acting director of the CDC in January. Trump later nominated her to to serve as director. She was confirmed by the Senate in July, making her the first nonphysician to serve in the role. But she was fired by the Trump administration in August after less than a month in the post.

Kennedy has said Monarez was fired after she told him she was untrustworthy. But Monarez said that was false in congressional testimony and that she was fired after refusing to endorse new vaccine recommendations that weren’t backed by science.

Houry, who spent more than a decade at the CDC, was among a handful of top officials at the agency who resigned around the time Monarez was fired. Houry said in August she was concerned about the rise of vaccine misinformation during the Trump administration, as well as planned budget cuts, reorganization and firings at the CDC.

She said she’s excited to join California’s new initiative.

“California will advance practical, scalable solutions that strengthen public health within the state and across states —showing how states can modernize data, share capacity, and work together more efficiently, while remaining focused on protecting people and communities,” Houry said in a statement.

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Associated Press writer Trân Nguyễn contributed.

This story was originally featured on Fortune.com



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Dealmakers are heading into the final weeks of 2025 on a $100 billion cliffhanger.

Paramount Skydance Corp.’s hostile bid to snatch Warner Bros. Discovery Inc. from under the nose of Netflix Inc. encapsulates the themes that have shaped a banner year for mergers and acquisitions: renewed desire for transformative tie-ups, massive checks from Wall Street, the flow of Middle East money and US President Donald Trump’s role as both disruptor and dealmaker.

Global transaction values have risen around 40% to about $4.5 trillion this year, data compiled by Bloomberg show, as companies chase ultra-ambitious combinations, emboldened by friendlier regulators. That’s the second-highest tally on record and includes the biggest haul of deals valued at $30 billion or more.

“There’s a sentiment in boardrooms and among CEOs that this is a potential multi-year window where it’s possible to dream big,” said Ben Wallace, co-head of Americas M&A at Goldman Sachs Group Inc. “We’re at the beginning of a rate-cutting cycle so there’s anticipation that there will be more liquidity.”

Beyond Netflix’s purchase of Warner Bros., this year’s blockbusters include Union Pacific Corp.’s acquisition of rival railroad operator Norfolk Southern Corp. for more than $80 billion including debt, the record leveraged buyout of video game maker Electronic Arts Inc., and Anglo American Plc’s takeover of Teck Resources Ltd. to reshape global mining. 

“When you look around and you see your peers doing these big deals and taking advantage of the tailwinds, you don’t want to be left out,” said Maggie Flores, partner at law firm Kirkland & Ellis LLP in New York. “The regulatory environment is in a position that is very conducive to dealmaking and people are taking advantage of it.”

The tally also shows a level of exuberance in certain pockets that some advisers and analysts worry is unsustainable. Global trade tensions are ongoing, and market observers are increasingly warning of a selloff in the white-hot equity markets that have underpinned the M&A resurgence.

Top executives at Goldman Sachs, JPMorgan Chase & Co. and Morgan Stanley have all flagged the risk of a correction in the months ahead, in part tied to concerns about an overheated artificial intelligence ecosystem, where huge amounts of investment have juiced technology stocks.

“These equity returns are really coming out of AI, and AI spend is not sustainable,” said Charlie Dupree, global chair of investment banking at JPMorgan. “If that pulls back, then you are going to see a broader market that isn’t really advancing.”

The AI buzz led to some the year’s standout transactions. Sam Altman’s OpenAI took in major investments from the likes of SoftBank Group Corp., Nvidia Corp. and Walt Disney Co., and a consortium led by BlackRock Inc.’s Global Infrastructure Partners agreed to pay $40 billion for Aligned Data Centers. In March, Google parent Alphabet Inc. framed its $32 billion acquisition of cybersecurity startup Wiz Inc. as a way to provide customers with new safeguards in the AI era.

“Everyone needs to be an AI banker now,” said Wally Cheng, head of global technology M&A at Morgan Stanley. “Just as software began eating the world 15years ago, AI is now eating software. You have to be conversant in AI and understand how it will affect every company.”

The technology sector more broadly has already notched a record year for deals, thanks to a series of big-ticket takeovers across public and private markets. The trend extended to the White House over the summer, when the US government took a roughly 10% stake in Intel Corp. in an unconventional move aimed at reinvigorating the company and boosting domestic chip manufacturing.

It was one of the clearest indications of Trump’s willingness to blur the lines between state and industry and insert himself into M&A situations during his second term, particularly in sectors deemed mission critical. His administration also acquired a stake in rare-earth producer MP Materials Corp. and Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick has hinted at similar deals in the defense sector.

Trump has separately been positioning himself as kingmaker on high-profile transactions. The government secured a so-called golden share in United States Steel Corp. as a condition for approving its takeover by Japan’s Nippon Steel Corp., and the president recently signaled he’ll oppose any acquisition of Warner Bros. that doesn’t include new ownership of CNN.

“The Trump administration’s approach to merger regulation today is markedly different compared to the first time around,” said Brian Quinn, a professor at Boston College Law School. Quinn said he couldn’t think of a member of the Republican Party from 15 to 20 years ago who would now believe the US government “is involved in the business of picking winners.”

To be sure, bankers will be wondering if they could have achieved more in 2025 had it not been for the chaotic period earlier in the year, when deals were put on hold after Trump’s trade war hobbled markets. And in a sign that persistent economic challenges are still impacting some parts of M&A, the number of deals being announced globally remains flat.

Many small and mid-cap companies have lagged the broader stock market and are opting to pursue their own strategic plans instead of weighing inorganic options, according to Jake Henry, global co-leader of the M&A practice at consultancy McKinsey & Co.

“They’re thinking ‘I’m better off just operating my business and getting there.’ It has to be an explosive offer for them to come to the table,” he said.

Meanwhile, private equity firms, whose buying and selling is a key barometer for M&A, are still having a harder time offloading certain assets because of valuation gaps with buyers. This has had a knock-on effect on their ability to raise funds and spend on new acquisitions. But bankers are starting to see a recovery here too as interest rates come down and bring more potential acquirers to the table.

“What’s motivating sponsors more than anything is their need to return cash to investors,” said Saba Nazar, chair of global financial sponsors at Bank of America Corp. “We have been in bake-off frenzy for the last couple of months.”

Road to Record

Dealmakers began the year whispering of M&A records under Trump’s pro-business administration. While they will just miss out on the milestone in 2025, there is a strong sense on Wall Street that those early bumps only delayed the inevitable. 

Brian Link, co-head of North America M&A at Citigroup Inc., said that after ‘Liberation Day’ in April, he expected to spend more time figuring out the impact of tariffs on different business and how to adjust around that. 

“That has not been the case,” he said. “Unless fear creeps back into the market, there doesn’t seem to be anything in the near term that’s going to change the dynamic here.”



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