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Is your city a winner or loser in the return-to-office race? Capital Economics breaks it down

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We’ve gradually seen more people return to the office since the remote work norm of the pandemic, and now the winning and losing cities are becoming clearer.

Capital Economics tackled the issue of commercial real estate in its US Office Metros Outlook and found that 2025 will bring further pain for office values across all major metros, but a sharp regional divide is set to emerge from 2026 onward. Southern cities—led by Miami—are poised to remain the clear winners, while many western and northern metros still face a tough road ahead.

Winners: Southern metros take the lead

Miami is set to top the leaderboard in the next phase of the office market cycle. The city is forecast to achieve more than 15% capital growth over the next five years, with projected total returns of 9.5% per year from 2025 through 2029, including an elevated return rate of 12.5% per year for 2026 through 2029. This outperformance is driven by:

  • Strong rent growth: Miami is expected to see annual rent increases of 3%–3.5% through 2027, and above 3.5% over the full five-year period.
  • Robust absorption: The city continues to attract new tenants, benefiting from higher office utilization rates and faster office employment growth than most other metros.
  • Falling vacancy: Miami, along with Houston, is one of the few markets expected to see a decline in vacancy rates between 2025 and 2027.

Houston is another southern winner, with capital growth forecast at 11.5% over the five-year span and strong rent prospects supporting its outlook. Capital Economics did note, however, that Houston offices look overvalued according to its analysis.

Broadly, Capital Economics says the winners from the last five years to remain the winners through the back half of the 2020s, a list that also includes Phoenix. The Sun Belt is projected to remain strong, with Dallas, Houston, and Miami projected to see increasing capital values through 2029. The six biggest markets in the U.S., however, are the losers in this projection.

Losers: Western and major Northern metros struggle

In contrast, the highest-growing pre-pandemic metros were the losers of the last five years and set to remain so, Capital Economics says. This means most western and major northern metros are expected to face continued declines:

  • San Francisco, Chicago, and Los Angeles are singled out for a particularly poor outlook, with further falls in office values and persistently high vacancy rates.
  • San Francisco’s vacancy rate has surged by nearly 14 percentage points since late 2019, and is forecast to keep rising throughout the next five years.
  • Rents are expected to fall in San Francisco and Seattle over 2025 to 2027, whereas Capital Economics sees rents growing “in most markets.”

These western and northern metros are hampered by higher shares of remote work, expensive rents, and weak office-based job growth.

The middle ground: Austin, Dallas, and Atlanta

  • Austin has seen office jobs surge by nearly 35% since 2019 according to the latest annual data available, and supply struggling to keep up, even though it has strong completions, at over 3% of inventory in both 2023 and 2024. Austin is one of just three markets, also including Miami and Dallas, where completions are projected at 0.5% or more of inventory from 2025 to 2027, and “even those levels are way down on the recent past.”
  • Dallas is forecast to see only a slight increase in vacancy, with strong rent growth prospects.
  • Atlanta is the only metro besides Miami to have seen vacancy decline since 2019.

National trends: Vacancy, supply, and demand

  • Office completions in 2024 fell to their lowest share of inventory since 2012 and are set to slow further, reflecting high vacancy rates, rising debt and construction costs, and falling office values.
  • Vacancy rates remain elevated, with 10 of 17 major metros exceeding 20% at the end of 2024.
  • Office-based job growth remains flat, with total jobs up 1.2% year-over-year but office jobs unchanged for the first half of 2025. The information sector, including tech, is a major drag, with job cuts up 27% in the first half compared to the previous year.
  • Office attendance (keycard swipes) is steady at just over 50% nationally, but southern cities show much higher utilization than their western counterparts.

Key Takeaways

1. Office values: more pain before the gain

  • All metros are expected to see further declines in office values through 2025.
  • Recovery is projected from 2026, led by southern markets.
  • Miami is forecast to achieve over 15% capital growth over the next five years, with Houston following at 11.5%.
  • Phoenix stands out as an outlier, benefiting from a high income return component, but Miami remains the top performer with projected total returns of 9.5% per annum (2025-29), rising to 12.5% per annum (2026-29).

2. Demand: Southern strength, Western weakness

  • The overall labor market has been resilient, but office-based job growth remains flat (0.0% in 1H25 vs. 1H24).
  • Information sector jobs—including tech—are down 0.6%, with tech sector job cuts up 27% year-over-year, driven by visa uncertainty and AI advancements.
  • Southern metros have led in office-based job growth since the pandemic. For example, Austin’s office jobs are up nearly 35% compared to 2019.
  • Office attendance (keycard swipes) is steady at just over 50% nationally, but southern cities show much higher utilization than western metros.
  • Absorption (the net change in occupied office space) turned negative again in 1Q25, with western and major markets expected to see further declines, while Miami continues to attract new tenants.

3. Supply, vacancy, and rents: Tale of two regions

  • National office completions in 2024 hit their lowest level as a share of inventory since 2012 and are set to slow further.
  • Austin led completions in 2023-24, but new supply is expected to drop across all 17 tracked markets.
  • Vacancy rates remain elevated: 10 of 17 metros had rates above 20% at the end of 2024. Only Atlanta and Miami have seen vacancy decline since late 2019; San Francisco’s vacancy rate has jumped nearly 14 percentage points.
  • Vacancy is expected to keep rising in most markets, especially San Francisco, but Houston and Miami should see declines in 2025-27.
  • Rents are forecast to grow in most markets over the next three years, except for San Francisco and Seattle, where net declines are expected.
  • Miami stands out with 3%–3.5% annual rent growth forecast for 2025-27, and above 3.5% for the full five-year period.

Outlook: a divided recovery

The U.S. office market is continuing its half-decade of sharp regional divergence. Southern metros—especially Miami, Houston, and Phoenix—are set to benefit from stronger job growth, higher office utilization, and robust rent increases. In contrast, western and major northern cities are likely to continue to struggle with persistent vacancies, weak demand, and falling values.

For investors, developers, and tenants, the message is clear: the forthcoming shakeout from America’s return to office will create distinct winners and losers, with the South leading the way into recovery.

For this story, Fortune used generative AI to help with an initial draft. An editor verified the accuracy of the information before publishing. 



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Senate Dems’ plan to fix Obamacare premiums adds nearly $300 billion to deficit, CRFB says

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The Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget (CRFB) is a nonpartisan watchdog that regularly estimates how much the U.S. Congress is adding to the $38 trillion national debt.

With enhanced Affordable Care Act (ACA) subsidies due to expire within days, some Senate Democrats are scrambling to protect millions of Americans from getting the unpleasant holiday gift of spiking health insurance premiums. The CRFB says there’s just one problem with the plan: It’s not funded.

“With the national debt as large as the economy and interest payments costing $1 trillion annually, it is absurd to suggest adding hundreds of billions more to the debt,” CRFB President Maya MacGuineas wrote in a statement on Friday afternoon.

The proposal, backed by members of the Senate Democratic caucus, would fully extend the enhanced ACA subsidies for three years, from 2026 through 2028, with no additional income limits on who can qualify. Those subsidies, originally boosted during the pandemic and later renewed, were designed to lower premiums and prevent coverage losses for middle‑ and lower‑income households purchasing insurance on the ACA exchanges.

CRFB estimated that even this three‑year extension alone would add roughly $300 billion to federal deficits over the next decade, largely because the federal government would continue to shoulder a larger share of premium costs while enrollment and subsidy amounts remain elevated. If Congress ultimately moves to make the enhanced subsidies permanent—as many advocates have urged—the total cost could swell to nearly $550 billion in additional borrowing over the next decade.

Reversing recent guardrails

MacGuineas called the Senate bill “far worse than even a debt-financed extension” as it would roll back several “program integrity” measures that were enacted as part of a 2025 reconciliation law and were intended to tighten oversight of ACA subsidies. On top of that, it would be funded by borrowing even more. “This is a bad idea made worse,” MacGuineas added.

The watchdog group’s central critique is that the new Senate plan does not attempt to offset its costs through spending cuts or new revenue and, in their view, goes beyond a simple extension by expanding the underlying subsidy structure.

The legislation would permanently repeal restrictions that eliminated subsidies for certain groups enrolling during special enrollment periods and would scrap rules requiring full repayment of excess advance subsidies and stricter verification of eligibility and tax reconciliation. The bill would also nullify portions of a 2025 federal regulation that loosened limits on the actuarial value of exchange plans and altered how subsidies are calculated, effectively reshaping how generous plans can be and how federal support is determined. CRFB warned these reversals would increase costs further while weakening safeguards designed to reduce misuse and error in the subsidy system.

MacGuineas said that any subsidy extension should be paired with broader reforms to curb health spending and reduce overall borrowing. In her view, lawmakers are missing a chance to redesign ACA support in a way that lowers premiums while also improving the long‑term budget outlook.

The debate over ACA subsidies recently contributed to a government funding standoff, and CRFB argued that the new Senate bill reflects a political compromise that prioritizes short‑term relief over long‑term fiscal responsibility.

“After a pointless government shutdown over this issue, it is beyond disappointing that this is the preferred solution to such an important issue,” MacGuineas wrote.

The off-year elections cast the government shutdown and cost-of-living arguments in a different light. Democrats made stunning gains and almost flipped a deep-red district in Tennessee as politicians from the far left and center coalesced around “affordability.”

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer is reportedly smelling blood in the water and doubling down on the theme heading into the pivotal midterm elections of 2026. President Donald Trump is scheduled to visit Pennsylvania soon to discuss pocketbook anxieties. But he is repeating predecessor Joe Biden’s habit of dismissing inflation, despite widespread evidence to the contrary.

“We fixed inflation, and we fixed almost everything,” Trump said in a Tuesday cabinet meeting, in which he also dismissed affordability as a “hoax” pushed by Democrats.​

Lawmakers on both sides of the aisle now face a politically fraught choice: allow premiums to jump sharply—including in swing states like Pennsylvania where ACA enrollees face double‑digit increases—or pass an expensive subsidy extension that would, as CRFB calculates, explode the deficit without addressing underlying health care costs.



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Netflix–Warner Bros. deal sets up $72 billion antitrust test

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Netflix Inc. has won the heated takeover battle for Warner Bros. Discovery Inc. Now it must convince global antitrust regulators that the deal won’t give it an illegal advantage in the streaming market. 

The $72 billion tie-up joins the world’s dominant paid streaming service with one of Hollywood’s most iconic movie studios. It would reshape the market for online video content by combining the No. 1 streaming player with the No. 4 service HBO Max and its blockbuster hits such as Game Of ThronesFriends, and the DC Universe comics characters franchise.  

That could raise red flags for global antitrust regulators over concerns that Netflix would have too much control over the streaming market. The company faces a lengthy Justice Department review and a possible US lawsuit seeking to block the deal if it doesn’t adopt some remedies to get it cleared, analysts said.

“Netflix will have an uphill climb unless it agrees to divest HBO Max as well as additional behavioral commitments — particularly on licensing content,” said Bloomberg Intelligence analyst Jennifer Rie. “The streaming overlap is significant,” she added, saying the argument that “the market should be viewed more broadly is a tough one to win.”

By choosing Netflix, Warner Bros. has jilted another bidder, Paramount Skydance Corp., a move that risks touching off a political battle in Washington. Paramount is backed by the world’s second-richest man, Larry Ellison, and his son, David Ellison, and the company has touted their longstanding close ties to President Donald Trump. Their acquisition of Paramount, which closed in August, has won public praise from Trump. 

Comcast Corp. also made a bid for Warner Bros., looking to merge it with its NBCUniversal division.

The Justice Department’s antitrust division, which would review the transaction in the US, could argue that the deal is illegal on its face because the combined market share would put Netflix well over a 30% threshold.

The White House, the Justice Department and Comcast didn’t immediately respond to requests for comment. 

US lawmakers from both parties, including Republican Representative Darrell Issa and Democratic Senator Elizabeth Warren have already faulted the transaction — which would create a global streaming giant with 450 million users — as harmful to consumers.

“This deal looks like an anti-monopoly nightmare,” Warren said after the Netflix announcement. Utah Senator Mike Lee, a Republican, said in a social media post earlier this week that a Warner Bros.-Netflix tie-up would raise more serious competition questions “than any transaction I’ve seen in about a decade.”

European Union regulators are also likely to subject the Netflix proposal to an intensive review amid pressure from legislators. In the UK, the deal has already drawn scrutiny before the announcement, with House of Lords member Baroness Luciana Berger pressing the government on how the transaction would impact competition and consumer prices.

The combined company could raise prices and broadly impact “culture, film, cinemas and theater releases,”said Andreas Schwab, a leading member of the European Parliament on competition issues, after the announcement.

Paramount has sought to frame the Netflix deal as a non-starter. “The simple truth is that a deal with Netflix as the buyer likely will never close, due to antitrust and regulatory challenges in the United States and in most jurisdictions abroad,” Paramount’s antitrust lawyers wrote to their counterparts at Warner Bros. on Dec. 1.

Appealing directly to Trump could help Netflix avoid intense antitrust scrutiny, New Street Research’s Blair Levin wrote in a note on Friday. Levin said it’s possible that Trump could come to see the benefit of switching from a pro-Paramount position to a pro-Netflix position. “And if he does so, we believe the DOJ will follow suit,” Levin wrote.

Netflix co-Chief Executive Officer Ted Sarandos had dinner with Trump at the president’s Mar-a-Lago resort in Florida last December, a move other CEOs made after the election in order to win over the administration. In a call with investors Friday morning, Sarandos said that he’s “highly confident in the regulatory process,” contending the deal favors consumers, workers and innovation. 

“Our plans here are to work really closely with all the appropriate governments and regulators, but really confident that we’re going to get all the necessary approvals that we need,” he said.

Netflix will likely argue to regulators that other video services such as Google’s YouTube and ByteDance Ltd.’s TikTok should be included in any analysis of the market, which would dramatically shrink the company’s perceived dominance.

The US Federal Communications Commission, which regulates the transfer of broadcast-TV licenses, isn’t expected to play a role in the deal, as neither hold such licenses. Warner Bros. plans to spin off its cable TV division, which includes channels such as CNN, TBS and TNT, before the sale.

Even if antitrust reviews just focus on streaming, Netflix believes it will ultimately prevail, pointing to Amazon.com Inc.’s Prime and Walt Disney Co. as other major competitors, according to people familiar with the company’s thinking. 

Netflix is expected to argue that more than 75% of HBO Max subscribers already subscribe to Netflix, making them complementary offerings rather than competitors, said the people, who asked not to be named discussing confidential deliberations. The company is expected to make the case that reducing its content costs through owning Warner Bros., eliminating redundant back-end technology and bundling Netflix with Max will yield lower prices.



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The rise of AI reasoning models comes with a big energy tradeoff

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Nearly all leading artificial intelligence developers are focused on building AI models that mimic the way humans reason, but new research shows these cutting-edge systems can be far more energy intensive, adding to concerns about AI’s strain on power grids.

AI reasoning models used 30 times more power on average to respond to 1,000 written prompts than alternatives without this reasoning capability or which had it disabled, according to a study released Thursday. The work was carried out by the AI Energy Score project, led by Hugging Face research scientist Sasha Luccioni and Salesforce Inc. head of AI sustainability Boris Gamazaychikov.

The researchers evaluated 40 open, freely available AI models, including software from OpenAI, Alphabet Inc.’s Google and Microsoft Corp. Some models were found to have a much wider disparity in energy consumption, including one from Chinese upstart DeepSeek. A slimmed-down version of DeepSeek’s R1 model used just 50 watt hours to respond to the prompts when reasoning was turned off, or about as much power as is needed to run a 50 watt lightbulb for an hour. With the reasoning feature enabled, the same model required 7,626 watt hours to complete the tasks.

The soaring energy needs of AI have increasingly come under scrutiny. As tech companies race to build more and bigger data centers to support AI, industry watchers have raised concerns about straining power grids and raising energy costs for consumers. A Bloomberg investigation in September found that wholesale electricity prices rose as much as 267% over the past five years in areas near data centers. There are also environmental drawbacks, as Microsoft, Google and Amazon.com Inc. have previously acknowledged the data center buildout could complicate their long-term climate objectives

More than a year ago, OpenAI released its first reasoning model, called o1. Where its prior software replied almost instantly to queries, o1 spent more time computing an answer before responding. Many other AI companies have since released similar systems, with the goal of solving more complex multistep problems for fields like science, math and coding.

Though reasoning systems have quickly become the industry norm for carrying out more complicated tasks, there has been little research into their energy demands. Much of the increase in power consumption is due to reasoning models generating much more text when responding, the researchers said. 

The new report aims to better understand how AI energy needs are evolving, Luccioni said. She also hopes it helps people better understand that there are different types of AI models suited to different actions. Not every query requires tapping the most computationally intensive AI reasoning systems.

“We should be smarter about the way that we use AI,” Luccioni said. “Choosing the right model for the right task is important.”

To test the difference in power use, the researchers ran all the models on the same computer hardware. They used the same prompts for each, ranging from simple questions — such as asking which team won the Super Bowl in a particular year — to more complex math problems. They also used a software tool called CodeCarbon to track how much energy was being consumed in real time.

The results varied considerably. The researchers found one of Microsoft’s Phi 4 reasoning models used 9,462 watt hours with reasoning turned on, compared with about 18 watt hours with it off. OpenAI’s largest gpt-oss model, meanwhile, had a less stark difference. It used 8,504 watt hours with reasoning on the most computationally intensive “high” setting and 5,313 watt hours with the setting turned down to “low.” 

OpenAI, Microsoft, Google and DeepSeek did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Google released internal research in August that estimated the median text prompt for its Gemini AI service used 0.24 watt-hours of energy, roughly equal to watching TV for less than nine seconds. Google said that figure was “substantially lower than many public estimates.” 

Much of the discussion about AI power consumption has focused on large-scale facilities set up to train artificial intelligence systems. Increasingly, however, tech firms are shifting more resources to inference, or the process of running AI systems after they’ve been trained. The push toward reasoning models is a big piece of that as these systems are more reliant on inference.

Recently, some tech leaders have acknowledged that AI’s power draw needs to be reckoned with. Microsoft CEO Satya Nadella said the industry must earn the “social permission to consume energy” for AI data centers in a November interview. To do that, he argued tech must use AI to do good and foster broad economic growth.



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