Business
Inside Intel, employees say the famous culture gradually fell apart—and worsened the chipmaker’s downward spiral
Published
2 months agoon
By
Jace Porter
Intel’s employees needed some good news. The company may still boast one of Silicon Valley’s most storied names, but its staff, which numbered 96,000 as of the end of July, had worked for years through nearly uninterrupted decline, watching their company lose nearly all relevance. Though its stock price soared just before the pandemic on a data center boom, then again on an ambitious (and since abandoned) plan to expand its manufacturing business, Intel last produced truly leading-edge chips in 2017. While neighbors feasted on the AI boom, Intel couldn’t seem to find its footing.
So when employees logged on to watch a press conference on Sept. 18, anticipation was high. And finally, there was some good news to share: Intel CEO Lip-Bu Tan and Nvidia chief executive Jensen Huang appeared on a split screen to share the details of a surprise deal: Nvidia would be investing $5 billion into Intel, a hugely needed boost of capital and confidence from the most powerful man in business.
One senior manager, who did not want to be named as he is not authorized to speak publicly about internal matters, said his chat threads lit up. “Jensen likes us!” was the overwhelming reaction, he recalls. Many employees seemed to believe that Nvidia’s cash infusion and interest in partnering with Intel on chips, which followed investments from the federal government and SoftBank, would help save the chipmaker.
Volumes have been written about the strategic mistakes that saw Intel go from dominating the microprocessor market in the ’90s to becoming a company in need of bailing out today. Most notably, Intel missed the mobile phone revolution in the early 2000s, when then-CEO Paul Otellini turned down Apple’s request to have Intel build chips for the first iPhone. The company also missed the AI boom, having stopped making the chips that hyperscalers and AI giants like Nvidia badly need seven years ago, and ceding that market to Taiwan’s TSMC and Korea’s Samsung. (Now, America’s reliance on those two makers is seen as a serious national security threat.)
But while Intel’s strategic missteps have been pored over, less analysis has been done on the changes in corporate culture that accompanied and arguably hastened Intel’s decline. Though it can be difficult to pull apart where poor business decisions end and cultural erosion begins, the people who might know best—Intel’s past and current employees—have theories.
One thing is for sure. The company that was once known for attracting the best and brightest, largely lost that ability. “You certainly have the true believers who are hanging on, but the change in direction, the layoffs, the comp not being as good as it should be—it’s all piling up,” said one former senior manager about what he knew of the mood at Intel in August. Morale, said another former longtime employee in project management, is “in the toilet.” Intel’s famed culture, over the past few years, had deteriorated into a “heads-down, push-through situation,” he added. “That spark in people’s eyes, the desire to do this work, was not there.”
How Intel originally found that spark—then lost it—is a worthy lesson for any high-flying company about how to keep a company culture alive.
The Grovian Era
Over the past 10 years, Intel has shed tens of thousands of jobs in several waves of restructuring, but the most drastic of those cuts happened in 2024 and 2025. First, in 2024, CEO Pat Gelsinger announced a reduction of 15,000 roles, after the company’s total headcount had grown to nearly 125,000. Now, Tan, who took the CEO office in March, has said another 25,000 roles would go and that he wants Intel to emulate Nvidia’s lean, fast-moving culture.
But there was a time when speed and size were not incompatible for the tech giant.
Intel was cofounded in 1968 by two legends of the silicon industry, Gordon Moore and Robert Noyce, and an investor named Arthur Rock.
Moore, who died in 2023, famously gave the world Moore’s law: the idea that the number of transistors that could be put on a chip doubles about every two years, enabling regular waves of advanced technological developments. But the leader whose imprint set the DNA for Intel’s corporate culture, and that of early Silicon Valley writ large, was Andy Grove, one of the company’s first employees, who became Intel’s third CEO in 1987 and oversaw stunning growth at the company. “He had this amazing stage presence,” said a former 30-year employee, an engineer who had also worked in operations management. “Just even being around him, he had so much energy and passion.”
Inspired by Moore’s law, Grove insisted that Intel needed to work ceaselessly to disrupt itself—“Only the paranoid survive” was one of his famous dictums—and Grove, who was born in Hungary to a Jewish family in 1936, was a survivor himself. He had concealed his Jewish identity during the German occupation of Budapest and lived under the Soviet regime before escaping to the West. The revered leader and engineering genius, who died in 2016, questioned corporate norms about top-down authority and encouraged a culture where employees were expected to challenge one another productively, a custom he called “constructive confrontation.”
A believer in flat structures and the spirit of experimentation, Grove drove employees hard, but he also set the conditions for innovation, said the former longtime employee, and Grove was known for having an idealistic streak. “Back in the old days,” the former employee said, “it was like, ‘Oh, hey, I’m creating this great thing. What do you think about it?’ ” The typical response, he recalled, would be, “ ‘Hey, that looks pretty cool. Let’s see what you can do with it. Let’s give you some money and more tools.’ ”
And when workers had to grind to hit a production target, their efforts were rewarded, sometimes with financial incentives, but also with personalized awards like silicon wafers signed by Grove. In a former era, even years after Grove stepped down, one program provided free tickets to baseball games or museums for yourself and your family. The veteran employee remembers parties to celebrate accomplishments, and being able to take time off work between big projects “to give time back to your family,” after weeks or months of absence. Intel also ran a sabbatical program that was the envy of corporate drones everywhere: Every four years, workers could take four consecutive weeks of paid leave (in addition to vacation allowances) or they could take eight weeks after seven years.
With its emphasis on competitiveness and staying on the edge of technological advancement, plus the perks, Intel was the place where graduates of top computer science schools, such as Caltech, dreamed of landing a gig. It was a company where, several employees told me, people expected to spend their entire careers.
“Saying you worked at Intel was a feather in your cap,” said the former project manager, recalling Intel’s golden era in the 1990s and the turn of this century. “The bunny suit ads and ‘Intel Inside’ campaign were everywhere. It felt great to work there. People were motivated and proud.”
But, former employees said, the vibe began to change as far back as 15 years ago.
A cultural drift
Grove stepped down as CEO in 1998 (but remained involved as chair until 2005), and was followed by Craig Barrett, who, employees who spoke to Fortune said, largely kept Grove’s vision and emphasis on technological leadership intact. (Barrett is still focused on saving Intel.) But the CEO who followed Barrett, the late Otellini, who was the company’s first non-engineer CEO, began to make changes that many say the company never recovered from. He made that fateful decision not to work with Steve Jobs at Apple; he also started the company on a path that saw its financial performance take priority over Grove’s mission to be on the cutting edge of all forms of technology.
Intel had always championed its democratic ways, where employees were expected to reach out directly to senior leadership with ideas, and their input was valued, said ex-employees. That atmosphere slowly shifted over time, beginning in the 2000s. “Everyone was telling [Otellini], ‘This is something big we need to do,’ ” the former project manager said of mobile computing. “And he was just not having it.”
Experimentation lost its shine. Awards were minimized. The veteran employee points to Bob Swan, who was CEO from 2019 to 2021, as both an effective leader with great vision, but also a penny-pincher who changed Intel by wiping away even small perks: “By the time I left, if there was even a thank-you gift card, which was really hard to get approved, it would be anywhere from $25 to $100.”
Employees also gradually saw the downtime they had between projects evaporate, leading to burnout and decreased morale. More and more, said one former employee, Intel’s workers went from being valued and celebrated contributors to the company’s goals—part of a family, several said—to cogs in a machine designed to maximize profit. That felt most true during the last 12 months, said a former public relations manager.
“Your employees are the gas in the car, the talent you have, the people you trust to get things done. They should be considered. They should be part of the strategy,” that person said. “People felt that employees were starting to be treated like assets that you could sell off or just offload. It discounts your contribution.”
Former employees said that perceived attitude colored the company’s approach to layoffs, which were given titles, said one ex-worker, such as, “Corporate People Movement.” (Intel declined to confirm or comment.) “They always had fun names for them, but it was always just people were laid off,” the project management specialist said. It’s not uncommon for big companies to name programs that involve restructuring and layoffs, but that was exactly the point, employees said. Intel had never been like other big companies.
Not only that, but Intel mishandled its layoffs, at least at first, with damaging effects. One employee recalled layoffs more than 10 years ago, in which the company marched people out the door on the day they learned they had lost their job, leaving gaps in knowledge and sowing confusion. Eventually, the company had to revert to giving employees notice.
People learned about the regular layoffs and whether their teams would be impacted at the unfortunately named Business Unit Meetings, or BUMs, the project manager said. The atmosphere was filled with the dreaded question, Am I next? The ever-present fear of being laid off over the past few years “took your head out of the game,” said another.
A reason for hope
In 2021, the mood at Intel momentarily shifted for the better, several employees told Fortune. That year, the board hired Pat Gelsinger, an engineer who had spent 30 years at Intel before leaving it for other companies and eventually running VMware.
To many, Gelsinger’s return signaled that the company was reviving the spirit of Andy Grove’s Intel. Gelsinger spent billions, and literally bet the company on its advanced 18A production process architecture, employees explained. He laid the groundwork to build new foundries, but said Intel wouldn’t see the fruits of these investments for years. “We’re going to go all in, and we are going to make it. I really liked that mentality,” said the ex-longtime employee.
Gelsinger inspired employees—even as he asked them to take a pay cut, and he scaled back the sabbatical benefit—while also keeping them informed of his vision. As one former corporate leader recalled, the chief executive was known for addressing employees weekly and engaging with their questions. Where one former CEO was taken aback by employees’ confrontational culture, and even left the stage during a town hall out of frustration, Gelsinger was at home at Intel. But the board—which included Tan—reportedly lost patience with his spending, and he was dismissed last December, replaced by interim co-CEOs until Tan took control a few months later. “For most of us, when [Gelsinger] was forced out, it was really hard on morale, like, we just couldn’t believe it. We thought that this was the guy that could potentially save the company,” said the former 30-year employee.
By contrast, Tan was less familiar to employees, though well-connected to people like Nvidia’s Huang, AMD CEO Lisa Su, and others in the semiconductor world. Tan holds a master’s in nuclear engineering, but he has long worked as an investor and business leader, and is the former CEO of Cadence Design Systems. A board member for two years, Tan was familiar with Intel’s complexity and the ongoing debate over whether to split the company up, spinning off the foundries as a separate business.
But current and former employees describe Tan as missing in action, spotted in person only once at an ice cream social, presumably designed to soften the news about a strict return to office policy. (Many see the RTO rule as another tool for culling staff.) “I haven’t seen him, even by accident,” noted a current manager, who said Tan is “invisible.”
In Tan’s very first meeting with employees, several people said, rank-and-file staffers were not shy about pushing for details around Gelsinger’s departure and expressing “salty” sentiments about Tan having quit the board in 2024, ostensibly for personal reasons, only to boomerang back, this time as CEO. Trust in the new leader is low for some. “Lip-Bu Tan did not focus on internal stakeholders, only investors and external stakeholders,” the former corporate employee said. Tan was also reportedly called out by some employees on an internal chat app for wearing a pullover branded with the logo of his former company, Cadence, during that first appearance.
In a statement, an Intel spokesperson said, “Lip-Bu is driving a cultural transformation that is critical to Intel’s future growth. We are taking steps to become a leaner, faster and more efficient company. Removing organizational complexity and empowering our engineers will enable us to better serve the needs of our customers, reignite innovation and strengthen our execution.”
In April, Tan also said on an earnings call, “Organizational complexity and bureaucracy have been suffocating the innovation and agility we need to win. It takes too long for decisions to get made. New ideas and the people who generate them have not been given the room or resources to incubate and grow. And unnecessary silos have led to bad execution. I’m here to fix this.”
One of the biggest surprise events since Tan took office happened in August, when the CEO agreed to have the U.S. government take a 10% stake in the company for $8.9 billion in funding that had already been promised to the company in federal grants. That development seemed inevitable and had long been discussed at Intel, one employee said. But it didn’t sit well with everyone. “It’s insane that the U.S. government would be owning a stake in an independent company,” said the employee in project management, just days after that deal went public. “It just seems gross, especially for people who don’t necessarily support Trump. They feel like they are now being pulled into his orbit closer than they want to be.”
“Frankly, some of the employees just don’t want to be involved with Trump in any way, shape, or form, just because it’s him,” said another former leader, who also described Intel as a little more conservative than some other tech companies, especially because it’s spread out across various geographies and includes a manufacturing business. “Our past founders have warned current leaders in the company very publicly that taking government money comes with a lot of strings attached.”

Amid layoffs, Tan has framed a few new hires as a positive development for the company, said a former PR manager, but the message was cold comfort to those who lost their jobs. “Pretty much, the only good news he had would be to come in and say, ‘I’m bringing in some new people. They’re going to really innovate, and I trust them. I know them, and they’re going to be great for this company.’ The message the employees got was: He’s bringing in people who are going to get paid way more than you are, and you’re losing your job.”
In June, Intel also told workers that many of their jobs, especially in marketing, would be outsourced to Accenture, the IT consulting firm, which will use AI technology to replace many functions.
One month later, when Tan said that Intel would only continue investing in Intel 14A, its next-gen technology, based on customer interest, “it was such a shock to the system,” a former senior manager said. Research and development had been driven by an “If you build it, they will come” mentality. “[Tan] might be right,” the ex-manager said, acknowledging the economic pressures facing the CEO, “but it’s a big change in company philosophy.”
Now, with unconfirmed reports circulating that Intel is seeking investments from Apple and rival TSMC, his focus on external players seems understandable. Ex-employees point out that Tan has indeed been executing on the plans he described when he took over. One former corporate employee thinks that Intel still needs to develop the mindset to both compete and work collaboratively with peer companies in today’s tech ecosystem. For years, Intel has been mostly insular, and the prevailing attitude was that to be the best company, it needed to rely on itself. But that was a form of hubris. “It was part of what brought Intel into that dominance for several years,” said the ex-employee. “At the same time, it brought all the challenges that we have been seeing over the last few years.” Now that Intel has lost its status as the top destination for the brightest minds in engineering, some former workers think recruiting for Intel’s next act will be difficult. “Most people want to be part of a growth story, not a turnaround story,” said the former senior manager, “unless the turnaround has legs.” But should the company need to staff up again, it would also likely find much goodwill among its laid-off employees.
Because of the years in which Intel cultivated a strong and distinctive culture, ex-employees said, former Intel employees are networking regularly, sharing job openings, and even getting ready to launch their own businesses, while rooting for their old employer. Asked if he would go back, the veteran employee, who said he is still adjusting to his new post-Intel identity, replied, “In a heartbeat.”
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Business
Hollywood writers say Warner takeover ‘must be blocked’
Published
24 seconds agoon
December 5, 2025By
Jace Porter
Hollywood writers, producers, directors and theater owners voiced skepticism over Netflix Inc.’s proposed $82.7 billion takeover of Warner Bros. Discovery Inc.’s studio and streaming businesses, saying it threatens to undermine their interests.
The Writers Guild of America, which announced in October it would oppose any sale of Warner Bros., reiterated that view on Friday, saying the purchase by Netflix “must be blocked.”
“The world’s largest streaming company swallowing one of its biggest competitors is what antitrust laws were designed to prevent,” the guild said in an emailed statement. “The outcome would eliminate jobs, push down wages, worsen conditions for all entertainment workers, raise prices for consumers, and reduce the volume and diversity of content for all viewers.”
The worries raised by the movie and TV industry’s biggest trade groups come against the backdrop of falling movie and TV production, slack ticket sales and steep job cuts in Hollywood. Another legacy studio, Paramount, was sold earlier this year.
Warner Bros. accounts for about a fourth of North American ticket sales — roughly $2 billion — and is being acquired by a company that has long shunned theatrical releases for its feature films. As part of the deal, Netflix co-CEO Ted Sarandos has promised Warner Bros. will continue to release moves in theaters.
“The proposed acquisition of Warner Bros. by Netflix poses an unprecedented threat to the global exhibition business,” Michael O’Leary, chief executive officer of the theatrical trade group Cinema United, said in en emailed statement Friday. “The negative impact of this acquisition will impact theaters from the biggest circuits to one-screen independents.”
The buyout of Warner Bros. by Netflix “would be a disaster,” James Cameron, the director of some of Hollywood’s highest-grossing films in history including Titanic and Avatar, said in late November on The Town, an industry-focused podcast. “Sorry Ted, but jeez. Sarandos has gone on record saying theatrical films are dead.”
On a conference call with investors Friday, Sarandos said that his company’s resistance to releasing films in cinemas was mostly tied to “the long exclusive windows, which we don’t really think are that consumer friendly.”
The company said Friday it would “maintain Warner Bros.’ current operations and build on its strengths, including theatrical releases for films.”
On the call, Sarandos reiterated that view, saying that, “right now, you should count on everything that is planned on going to the theater through Warner Bros. will continue to go to the theaters through Warner Bros.”
Competition from online outfits like YouTube and Netflix has forced a reckoning in Hollywood, opening the door for takeovers like the Warner Bros. deal announced Friday. Media giants including Comcast Corp., parent of NBCUniversal, are unloading cable-TV networks like MS Now and USA, and steering resources into streaming.
In an emailed note to Warner Bros. employees on Friday, Chief Executive Officer David Zaslav said the board’s decision to sell the company “reflects the realities of an industry undergoing generational change in how stories are financed, produced, distributed, and discovered.”
The Producers Guild of America said Friday its members are “rightfully concerned about Netflix’s intended acquisition of one of our industry’s most storied and meaningful studios,” while a spokesperson for the Directors Guild of America raised concerns about future pay at Warner Bros.
“We will be meeting with Netflix to outline our concerns and better understand their vision for the future of the company,” the Directors Guild said.
In September, the DGA appointed director Christopher Nolan as its president. Nolan has previously criticized Netflix’s model of releasing films exclusively online, or simultaneously in a small number of cinemas, and has said he won’t make movies for the company.
The Screen Actors Guild said Friday that the transaction “raises many serious questions about its impact on the future of the entertainment industry, and especially the human creative talent whose livelihoods and careers depend on it.”
Oscar winner Jane Fonda spoke out on Thursday before the deal was announced.
“Consolidation at this scale would be catastrophic for an industry built on free expression, for the creative workers who power it, and for consumers who depend on a free, independent media ecosystem to understand the world,” the star of the Netflix series Grace and Frankie wrote on the Ankler industry news website.
Netflix and Warner Bros. obviously don’t see it that way. In his statement to employees, Zaslav said “the proposed combination of Warner Bros. and Netflix reflects complementary strengths, more choice and value for consumers, a stronger entertainment industry, increased opportunity for creative talent, and long-term value creation for shareholders.”
Business
4 times in 7 seconds: Trump calls Somali immigrants ‘garbage’
Published
31 minutes agoon
December 5, 2025By
Jace Porter
He said it four times in seven seconds: Somali immigrants in the United States are “garbage.”
It was no mistake. In fact, President Donald Trump’s rhetorical attacks on immigrants have been building since he said Mexico was sending “rapists” across the border during his presidential campaign announcement a decade ago. He’s also echoed rhetoric once used by Adolf Hitler and called the 54 nations of Africa “s—-hole countries.” But with one flourish closing a two-hour Cabinet meeting Tuesday, Trump amped up his anti-immigrant rhetoric even further and ditched any claim that his administration was only seeking to remove people in the U.S. illegally.
“We don’t want ‘em in our country,” Trump said five times of the nation’s 260,000 people of Somali descent. “Let ’em go back to where they came from and fix it.” The assembled Cabinet members cheered and applauded. Vice President JD Vance could be seen pumping a fist. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, sitting to the president’s immediate left, told Trump on-camera, “Well said.”
The two-minute finale offered a riveting display in a nation that prides itself as being founded and enriched by immigrants, alongside an ugly history of enslaving millions of them and limiting who can come in. Trump’s U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids and deportations have reignited an age-old debate — and widened the nation’s divisions — over who can be an American, with Trump telling tens of thousands of American citizens, among others, that he doesn’t want them by virtue of their family origin.
“What he has done is brought this type of language more into the everyday conversation, more into the main,” said Carl Bon Tempo, a State University of New York at Albany history professor. “He’s, in a way, legitimated this type of language that, for many Americans for a long time, was seen as outside the bounds.”
A question that cuts to the core of American identity
Some Americans have long felt that people from certain parts of the world can never really blend in. That outsider-averse sentiment has manifested during difficult periods, such as anti-Chinese fear-mongering in the late 19th century and the imprisonment of some 120,000 Japanese Americans during World War II.
Trump, reelected with more than 77 million votes last year, has launched a whole-of-government drive to limit immigration. His order to end birthright citizenship — declaring that children born to parents who are in the United States illegally or temporarily are not American citizens despite the 14th Amendment — is being considered by the Supreme Court. He has largely frozen the country’s asylum system and drastically reduced the number of refugees it is allowed to admit. And his administration this week halted immigration applications for migrants from 19 travel-ban nations.
Immigration remains a signature issue for Trump, and he has slightly higher marks on it than on his overall job approval. According to a November AP-NORC poll, roughly 4 in 10 adults — 42% — approved of how the president is handling the issue, down from about half who approved in March. And Trump has pushed his agenda with near-daily crackdowns. On Wednesday, federal agents launched an immigration sweep in New Orleans,
There are some clues that Trump uses stronger anti-immigration rhetoric than many members of his own party. A study of 200,000 speeches in Congress and 5,000 presidential communications related to immigration between 1880 and 2020 found that the “most influential” words on the subject were terms like “enforce,” “terrorism” and “policy” from 1973 through Trump’s first presidential term.
The authors wrote in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences that Trump is “the first president in modern American history to express sentiment toward immigration that is more negative than the average member of his own party.” And that was before he called thousands of Somalis in the U.S. “garbage.”
The U.S. president, embattled over other developments during the Cabinet meeting and discussions between Russian President Vladimir Putin and U.S. envoys, opted for harsh talk in his jam-packed closing.
Somali Americans, he said, “come from hell” and “contribute nothing.” They do “nothing but bitch” and “their country stinks.” Then Trump turned to a familiar target. Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minn., an outspoken and frequent Trump critic, “is garbage,” he said. “Her friends are garbage.”
His remarks on Somalia drew shock and condemnation from Minneapolis to Mogadishu.
“My view of the U.S. and living there has changed dramatically. I never thought a president, especially in his second term, would speak so harshly,” Ibrahim Hassan Hajji, a resident of Somalia’s capital city, told The Associated Press. “Because of this, I have no plans to travel to the U.S.”
Omar called Trump’s “obsession” with her and Somali-Americans “creepy and unhealthy.”
“We are not, and I am not, someone to be intimidated,” she said, “and we are not gonna be scapegoated.”
Trump’s influence on these issues is potent
But from the highest pulpit in the world’s biggest economy, Trump has had an undeniable influence on how people regard immigrants.
“Trump specializes in pushing the boundaries of what others have done before,” said César Cuauhtémoc García Hernández, a civil rights law professor at Ohio State University. “He is far from the first politician to embrace race-baiting xenophobia. But as president of the United States, he has more impact than most.” Domestically, Trump has “remarkable loyalty” among Republicans, he added. “Internationally, he embodies an aspiration for like-minded politicians and intellectuals.”
In Britain, attitudes toward migrants have hardened in the decade since Brexit, a vote driven in part by hostility toward immigrants from Eastern Europe. Nigel Farage, leader of the hard-right Reform U.K. party, has called unauthorized migration an “invasion” and warned of looming civil disorder.
France’s Marine Le Pen and her father built their political empire on anti-immigrant language decades before Trump entered politics. But the National Rally party has softened its rhetoric to win broader support. Le Pen often casts the issue as an administrative or policy matter.
In fact, what Trump said about people from Somalia would likely be illegal in France if uttered by anyone other than a head of state, because public insults based on a group’s national origin, ethnicity, race or religion are illegal under the country’s hate speech laws. But French law grants heads of state immunity.
One lawyer expressed concerns that Trump’s words will encourage other heads of state to use similar hate speech targeting people as groups.
“Comments saying that a population stinks — coming from a foreign head of state, a top world military and economic power — that’s never happened before,” said Paris lawyer Arié Alimi, who has worked on hate speech cases. “So here we are really crossing a very, very, very important threshold in terms of expressing racist … comments.”
But the “America first” president said he isn’t worried about others think of his increasingly polarizing rhetoric on immigration.
“I hear somebody say, ‘Oh, that’s not politically correct,’” Trump said, winding up his summation Tuesday. “I don’t care. I don’t want them.”
___
Contributing to this report are Associated Press writers Will Weissert and Linley Sanders in Washington, John Leicester in Paris, Jill Lawless in London, Evelyne Musambi in Nairobi, Kenya, and Omar Faruk in Mogadishu.
Business
Nearly three-quarters of Trump voters think the cost of living is bad or the worst ever
Published
1 hour agoon
December 5, 2025By
Jace Porter
President Donald Trump and his administration insist that costs are coming down, but voters are skeptical, including those who put him back in the White House.
Despite Republicans getting hammered on affordability in off-year elections last month, Trump continues to downplay the issue, contrasting with his message while campaigning last year.
“The word affordability is a con job by the Democrats,” Trump said during a Cabinet meeting on Tuesday. “The word affordability is a Democrat scam.”
But a new Politico poll found that 37% of Americans who voted for him in 2024 believe the cost of living is the worst they can ever remember, and 34% say it’s bad but can think of other times when it was worse.
The White House has said Trump inherited an inflationary economy from President Joe Biden and point to certain essentials that have come down since Trump began his second term, such as gasoline prices.
The poll shows that 57% of Trump voters say Biden still bears full or almost full responsibility for today’s economy. But 25% blame Trump completely or almost completely.
That’s as the annual rate of consumer inflation has steadily picked up since Trump launched his global trade war in April, and grocery prices have gained 1.4% between January and September.
Meanwhile, Vice President JD Vance pleaded for “patience” on the economy last month as Americans want to see prices decline, not just grow at a slower pace.
Even a marginal erosion in Trump’s electoral coalition could tip the scales in next year’s midterm elections, when the president will not be on the ballot to draw supporters.
A soft spot could be Republicans who don’t identify as “MAGA.” Among those particular voters, 29% said Trump has had a chance to change things in the economy but hasn’t taken it versus 11% of MAGA voters who said that.
Across all voters, 45% named groceries as the most challenging things to afford, followed by housing (38%) and health care (34%), according to the Politico poll.
The poll comes as wealthier households are having trouble affording basics, while discount retailers like Walmart and even Dollar Tree are seeing more higher-income customers.
And in a viral Substack post last month, Michael Green, chief strategist and portfolio manager for Simplify Asset Management, argued that the real poverty line should be around $140,000.
“If the crisis threshold—the floor below which families cannot function—is honestly updated to current spending patterns, it lands at $140,000,” he wrote. “What does that tell you about the $31,200 line we still use? It tells you we are measuring starvation.”
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