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How one clause sparked Exxon-Chevron feud that turned personal

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The 20-month feud between the Western Hemisphere’s two most powerful oil companies over the biggest offshore discovery in a generation hinged on a single clause of a contract few people have ever seen.

The passage in a confidential agreement signed more than a decade ago that governs how producers work together in Guyana’s booming oil field was the basis for Exxon Mobil Corp.’s arbitration case that threatened to undo Chevron Corp.’s $53 billion takeover of Hess Corp. 

The ensuing dispute upended Chevron’s and Hess’s strategies for nearly two years and threatened to mar the legacies of both companies’ CEOs. The story behind how it unfolded shows how American oil executives’ usual cordial relationships were pushed to the breaking point when a $1 trillion discovery was at stake. 

“It should have been resolved much quicker,” Chevron CEO Mike Wirth said in an interview Friday. “This was a straightforward, plain reading of a contract.”

Exxon said it was obligated to defend its rights under the agreement.

“We had a clear duty to our investors to consider our preemption rights to protect the value we created,” the company said in a statement. “We welcome Chevron to the venture.”

The following account is based on Bloomberg reporting over nearly two years, including on- and off-the-record conversations with more than two dozen analysts, fund managers, traders and current and former company employees. 

It began toward the end of 2023, when the US oil industry was basking in the aftermath of the price surge caused by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. In a blow to the clean-energy transition, the war had underscored the continued importance of fossil fuels and furnished producers with record profits.

Keen to take advantage, US executives embarked on a corporate takeover spree that would reach nearly $500 billion over just three years. Exxon scored the biggest of them, buying Pioneer Natural Resources Co. for $60 billion in October 2023.

Not to be outdone, Chevron announced an agreement to buy Hess for $53 billion less than two weeks later. Hess’s minority stake in Guyana’s massive Stabroek Block was “the industry’s most attractive, long-lived growth asset” Wirth said on the day of the announcement. It was high praise for a project discovered and operated by its arch-rival, Exxon. 

The warmth between the Chevron and Hess CEOs was palpable as they sat together for an interview on Bloomberg TV in New York. Wirth is the “best CEO in the energy industry,” John Hess said. Wirth repaid the compliment, praising Hess’s “key relationships with partners and governments around the world.”  

But the bonhomie did not extend to Texas. There, Exxon executives bristled at Chevron talking about the Guyana oil field as if they already owned it.

Exxon made the giant offshore discovery back in 2015 after almost 30 other companies – including Chevron – were offered the chance to buy into the first wildcat well but walked away. Hess and China’s Cnooc Ltd. ended up as partners in the Stabroek Block, buying stakes worth 30% and 25% respectively. Exxon remained the lead operator, with 45% ownership. In less than a decade, Stabroek had become one of the biggest and fastest-growing oil fields outside of OPEC, with 11 billion barrels of recoverable reserves.

For Chevron and Hess, the deal was simple. Chevron would buy Hess in an all-stock transaction and assume ownership of the smaller company’s share of Stabroek. But there was a wrinkle. The joint operating agreement governing the Stabroek partnership contained a right-of-first-refusal clause. If one company decided to sell its stake, it must first be offered to the other two partners.

Lawyers for Chevron and Hess had studied the clause in detail during the due diligence process and concluded it did not apply because their deal was structured as a corporate merger rather than an asset sale. 

But neither Chevron or Hess had reached an agreement over this interpretation with Exxon before their public announcement. To Exxon, Chevron’s proposed purchase amounted to a change of control in the Hess stake. And thus, the company believed it triggered the right-of-first-refusal. 

The companies began talks in private but failed to make much progress. In early 2024, Chevron disclosed the dispute in a regulatory filing. Initially the market reaction was muted, with investors figuring negotiations would be concluded swiftly. 

The optimism proved to be misplaced when, on March 6, 2024, Exxon Senior Vice President Neil Chapman announced to a stunned audience eating lunch at a Morgan Stanley conference in New York that Exxon had filed for arbitration. It was a surprise even to Wirth, who learned about the move from Exxon CEO Darren Woods in a phone call only the night before. 

“We understand the intent of this language, of the whole contract, because we wrote it,” Chapman said, as the clinking of diners’ plates fell silent. “Most observers in this industry would understand our reputation for rigor, attention to detail in contract language. I mean, it’s a brand we have as a company.”

This time traders went into overdrive, with Hess shares extending losses below Chevron’s stock offer. That created an opportunity for merger-arbitrage funds such as Adage Capital Management, Millenium Management and Balyasny Asset Management, which would reap significant returns if the deal eventually closed. The funds mostly bought Hess and short-sold Chevron, wagering more than $5 billion total by March 2024. 

Questions began to grow around Exxon’s intentions. Did it want to buy Hess itself? Or the company’s stake in Guyana’s oil fields? Or was this just a play to torpedo Chevron’s purchase?

Woods attempted to quell the speculation in March 2024 at the energy industry’s big annual conference in Houston, CERAWeek by S&P Global. “If we were interested in doing something with Hess, we wouldn’t have waited for Chevron” to sign its deal, he said.

Instead, Woods said, Exxon’s goals in arbitration were to “secure and confirm” the right-of-first-refusal, understand the value of that right, and “evaluate that value and do what’s in the interests of Exxon Mobil shareholders.”

The thinking appeared to be that the right of first refusal held some value, even if it was not exercised, which should benefit shareholders. 

“The channels for dialog remain open,” Woods said in an interview at the time. “This is a business issue — this is not a personal one.”

Wirth and John Hess were becoming frustrated with Woods’s approach. Wirth, who previously had a good working relationship with his Exxon counterpart, considered arbitration an overly aggressive move that effectively ended constructive discussions between the companies. He was confident in his position and did not feel the need to compromise in a settlement. 

Five to six months should be “sufficient time” for the panel convened by the International Chamber of Commerce to clarify the issue, Wirth told Bloomberg Television in April, 2024. But within days, Woods countered that arbitration would likely run into 2025, meaning Chevron would be left in strategic limbo for more than a year.

A further twist came in mid May, when Senator Chuck Schumer — then the chamber’s majority leader — urged the Federal Trade Commission to pump the brakes on the Hess transaction. Consumers were suffering from high energy costs, and more oil-industry consolidation would only increase inflation, he argued. 

Soon after, influential proxy adviser Institutional Shareholder Services Inc. urged Hess shareholders to withhold their votes, citing concerns about the transaction’s valuation, process and uncertainty on arbitration timing. HBK Capital Management and D.E. Shaw & Co. followed ISS’s advice, publicly announcing their intentions to not back the deal. 

Worried he would lose the vote, John Hess embarked on a whistle-stop tour of London, New York and Los Angeles to rally support. Participants in those meetings said he seemed stressed and entertained little debate, aggressively pressing the case that the takeover by Chevron was the best possible deal he could get. 

At the same time, Exxon was also making its case to investors, though the stakes were much lower than for its opponents. A loss for Exxon would mean “business as usual,” Chapman later remarked, while a loss for Chevron and Hess would blow apart both companies’ long-term strategies. 

While the Stabroek Block’s joint operating agreement was private, investors began to gather clues by looking at a template model contract published by the Association of International Energy Negotiators, upon which the Guyana one was based. It said the right-of-first-refusal clause did not apply when there was “ongoing control by an affiliate” entity.

This appeared to support Chevron and Hess’s case because the Guyana stake would still be held by Hess’s Guyana unit, even if that would now be controlled by Chevron. But Exxon believed the structure of the deal amounted to an attempt to circumvent the intention of the contract, which was to provide a right of first refusal to the other partners.

The contract, however, was written under English law, which typically places higher value on the actual words as written rather than their intent. Wirth and Hess, backed by a legal team in London, continued to express confidence in their interpretation. 

John Hess won shareholder approval for the deal in late May 2024, albeit with the slimmest of margins — just 51%, largely due to the hedge funds’ abstentions. 

But his relief was short-lived. In July, the Federal Trade Commission was said to be probing whether Hess and other US shale CEOs improperly communicated with OPEC officials about raising the price of oil, especially during the Covid-19 downturn. The FTC said it would approve the deal on the condition that Hess would not join its board. Chevron reluctantly agreed. 

Hess vigorously denied the claims and they were later found to be baseless and overturned by the FTC. Critics called the case politically motivated, driven by then-President Joe Biden’s antipathy toward the oil industry. 

As the case dragged on through the second half of 2024, Hess could barely disguise his contempt for Woods’s decision to go to arbitration. At one dinner in New York, he expressed his “disgust” at the company’s tactics over what he claimed was a straightforward transaction. He would never have signed a contract that effectively blocked him from selling his company, he said.

By the end of 2024, it had been more than a year since Hess and Wirth sat in front of the cameras celebrating their merger. Investor patience was wearing thin, with a large spread between Hess shares and Chevron’s takeover offer price still evident. 

Still, Hess and Wirth continued to express confidence in securing victory, both publicly and privately. RBC Capital Markets analyst Biraj Borkhataria noted “the consistency to which Chevron management has communicated its stance around this deal.” It was crucial, given Chevron “had more at stake with this arbitration than Exxon did.”

Last week, Wirth and Hess were finally vindicated. 

Shortly after 5:30 p.m. Thursday in New York, the FTC — now headed by an appointee of President Donald Trump — tossed out the ruling that blocked Hess from joining Chevron’s board. Thirteen hours later, word broke that the ICC panel had ruled in favor of Hess and Chevron. By the time trading on Wall Street opened at 9:30 a.m., Chevron had closed on the takeover.  

The deal was finally done.



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Hegseth likens strikes on alleged drug boats to post-9/11 war on terror

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Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth defended strikes on alleged drug cartel boats during remarks Saturday at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, saying President Donald Trump has the power to take military action “as he sees fit” to defend the nation.

Hegseth dismissed criticism of the strikes, which have killed more than 80 people and now face intense scrutiny over concerns that they violated international law. Saying the strikes are justified to protect Americans, Hegseth likened the fight to the war on terror following the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks.

“If you’re working for a designated terrorist organization and you bring drugs to this country in a boat, we will find you and we will sink you. Let there be no doubt about it,” Hegseth said during his keynote address at the Reagan National Defense Forum. “President Trump can and will take decisive military action as he sees fit to defend our nation’s interests. Let no country on earth doubt that for a moment.”

The most recent strike brings the death toll of the campaign to at least 87 people. Lawmakers have sought more answers about the attacks and their legal justification, and whether U.S. forces were ordered to launch a follow-up strike following a September attack even after the Pentagon knew of survivors.

Though Hegseth compared the alleged drug smugglers to Al-Qaida terrorists, experts have noted significant differences between the two foes and the efforts to combat them.

Hegseth’s remarks came after the Trump administration released its new national security strategy, one that paints European allies as weak and aims to reassert America’s dominance in the Western Hemisphere.

During the speech, Hegseth also discussed the need to check China’s rise through strength instead of conflict. He repeated Trump’s vow to resume nuclear testing on an equal basis as China and Russia — a goal that has alarmed many nuclear arms experts. China and Russia haven’t conducted explosive tests in decades, though the Kremlin said it would follow the U.S. if Trump restarted tests.

The speech was delivered at the Reagan National Defense Forum at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation and Institute in California, an event which brings together top national security experts from around the country. Hegseth used the visit to argue that Trump is Reagan’s “true and rightful heir” when it comes to muscular foreign policy.

By contrast, Hegseth criticized Republican leaders in the years since Reagan for supporting wars in the Middle East and democracy-building efforts that didn’t work. He also blasted those who have argued that climate change poses serious challenges to military readiness.

“The war department will not be distracted by democracy building, interventionism, undefined wars, regime change, climate change, woke moralizing and feckless nation building,” he said.



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US debt crisis: Most likely fix is severe austerity triggered by a fiscal calamity

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One way or another, U.S. debt will stop expanding unsustainably, but the most likely outcome is also among the most painful, according to Jeffrey Frankel, a Harvard professor and former member of President Bill Clinton’s Council of Economic Advisers.

Publicly held debt is already at 99% of GDP and is on track to hit 107% by 2029, breaking the record set after the end of World War II. Debt service alone is more than $11 billion a week, or 15% of federal spending in the current fiscal year.

In a Project Syndicate op-ed last week, Frankel went down the list of possible debt solutions: faster economic growth, lower interest rates, default, inflation, financial repression, and fiscal austerity. 

While faster growth is the most appealing option, it’s not coming to the rescue due to the shrinking labor force, he said. AI will boost productivity, but not as much as would be needed to rein in U.S. debt.

Frankel also said the previous era of low rates was a historic anomaly that’s not coming back, and default isn’t plausible given already-growing doubts about Treasury bonds as a safe asset, especially after President Donald Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariff shocker.

Relying on inflation to shrink the real value of U.S. debt would be just as bad as a default, and financial repression would require the federal government to essentially force banks to buy bonds with artificially low yields, he explained.

“There is one possibility left: severe fiscal austerity,” Frankel added.

How severe? A sustainable U.S. debt trajectory would entail elimination of nearly all defense spending or almost all non-defense discretionary outlays, he estimated.

For the foreseeable future, Democrats are unlikely to slash top programs, while Republicans are likely to use any fiscal breathing room to push for more tax cuts, Frankel said.

“Eventually, in the unforeseeable future, austerity may be the most likely of the six possible outcomes,” he warned. “Unfortunately, it will probably come only after a severe fiscal crisis. The longer it takes for that reckoning to arrive, the more radical the adjustment will need to be.”

The austerity forecast echoes an earlier note from Oxford Economics, which said the expected insolvency of the Social Security and Medicare trust funds by 2034 will serve as a catalyst for fiscal reform.

In Oxford’s view, lawmakers will seek to prevent a fiscal crisis in the form of a precipitous drop in demand for Treasury bonds, sending rates soaring.

But that’s only after lawmakers try to take the more politically expedient path by allowing Social Security and Medicare to tap general revenue that funds other parts of the federal government.

“However, unfavorable fiscal news of this sort could trigger a negative reaction in the US bond market, which would view this as a capitulation on one of the last major political openings for reforms,” Bernard Yaros, lead U.S. economist at Oxford Economics, wrote. “A sharp upward repricing of the term premium for longer-dated bonds could force Congress back into a reform mindset.”



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The $124 trillion Great Wealth Transfer is intensifying as inheritance jumps to a new record

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Nearly $300 billion was inherited this year as the Great Wealth Transfer picks up speed, showering family members with immense windfalls.

According to the latest UBS Billionaire Ambitions Report, 91 heirs inherited a record-high $297.8 billion in 2025, up 36% from a year ago despite fewer inheritors.

“These heirs are proof of a multi-year wealth transfer that’s intensifying,” Benjamin Cavalli, head of Strategic Clients & Global Connectivity at UBS Global Wealth Management, said in the report.

Western Europe led the way with 48 individuals inheriting $149.5 billion. That includes 15 members of two “German pharmaceutical families,” with the youngest just 19 years old and the oldest at 94.

Meanwhile, 18 heirs in North America got $86.5 billion, and 11 in South East Asia received $24.7 billion, UBS said.

This year’s wealth transfer lifted the number of multi-generational billionaires to 860, who have total assets of $4.7 trillion, up from 805 with $4.2 trillion in 2024.

Wealth management firm Cerulli Associates estimated last year that $124 trillion worldwide will be handed over through 2048, dubbing it the Great Wealth Transfer. More than half of that amount will come from high-net-worth and ultra-high-net-worth people.

Among billionaires, UBS expects they will likely transfer about $6.9 trillion by 2040, with at least $5.9 trillion of that being passed to children, either directly or indirectly.

While the Great Wealth Transfer appears to be accelerating, it may not turn into a sudden flood. Tim Gerend, CEO of financial planning giant Northwestern Mutual, told Fortune’s Amanda Gerut recently that it will unfold more gradually and with greater complexity

“I think the wealth transfer isn’t going to be just a big bang,” he said. “It’s not like, we just passed peak age 65 and now all the money is going to move.”

Of course, millennials and Gen Zers with rich relatives aren’t the only ones who sat to reap billions. More entrepreneurs also joined the ranks of the super rich.

In 2025, 196 self-made billionaires were newly minted with total wealth of $386.5 billion. That trails only the record year of 2021 and is up from last year, which saw 161 self-made individuals with assets of $305.6 billion.

But despite the hype over the AI boom and startups with astronomical valuations, some of the new U.S. billionaires come from a range of industries.

UBS highlighted Ben Lamm, cofounder of genetics and bioscience company Colossal; Michael Dorrell, cofounder and CEO of infrastructure investment firm Stonepeak; as well as Bob Pender and Mike Sabel, cofounders of LNG exporter Venture Global.

“A fresh generation of billionaires is steadily emerging,” UBS said. “In a highly uncertain time for geopolitics and economics, entrepreneurs are innovating at scale across a range of sectors and markets.”



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