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Here’s what can be done about debanking, the un-American abuse of power by regulators

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Debanking. It’s been all the talk of Washington lately.

President Donald Trump last month accused some big banks of engaging in politically motivated debanking. Venture capitalist and tech entrepreneur Marc Andreessen described the debanking inflicted on the crypto industry during a recent Joe Rogan podcast.

And this week, both chambers of Congress held hearings investigating the matter.

The issue merits the attention it’s getting. As a former ranking member of the Senate Banking Committee, where I served for 12 years, and a former banker myself, I can confirm that debanking is real. But it is not driven by the banks themselves.

The banking business depends on scale, and banks compete ruthlessly for all the customers they can get. Debanking is almost entirely driven by vague and excessively broad regulation or downright regulatory malfeasance.

Through thousands of pages of “Know-Your Customer” (KYC) rules promulgated under the Anti-Money Laundering Act (AML), banks are required to verify the identity of their customer and collect extensive details about their business, the sources of customer’s funds and to assess potential risks the customer may have, or pose, to the bank. Banks are required to file “Suspicious Activity Reports” (SARs) for all cash deposits (whether truly suspicious or not) above a threshold that has not been raised in 50 years.

If the bank suspects that the customer may be engaging in illicit activities, it must report the customer to the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN), deny services and refrain from giving the debanked customer an explanation. A bank that erringly provides services to a customer who later is determined to be a criminal can be subject to enormous fines while its senior management can be subject to civil and criminal liability. Naturally, banks err on the side of caution.

The cases of rogue regulators are even worse – these are intentional. Congressional investigators found the hard evidence that Obama administration financial regulators were pressuring the banks they regulated to debank industries that were disfavored by the administration, especially small-dollar online lenders and the firearms industry.

In what became known as Operation Chokepoint, the regulators had no legal authority from Congress and went through no public rulemaking. They simply had animus toward certain legal businesses and used the enormous power they wield over banks to try to kill those businesses, often upending people’s lives in the process.

Operation Chokepoint came to an end with the start of the first Trump administration. But no regulators lost their jobs.

So, what happened in 2021? Under the Joe Biden administration, the very same regulatory agencies launched Operation Chokepoint 2.0. This time, the target was the crypto industry.

The Biden administration overwhelmingly populated its top financial regulatory positions with people hostile to crypto. Many were happy to use their authority over banks to stifle the emerging crypto ecosystem in its infancy.

In 2021, my office started hearing from crypto entrepreneurs that their company’s bank accounts had been closed. Banks they had been using could no longer process their payrolls or even accept deposits. Many employees of even well-established crypto companies were personally debanked. Some could not get a mortgage or a checking account.

This unauthorized, unaccountable abuse of power by financial regulators to force banks to debank whole industries is outrageous, undemocratic and un-American. It is exactly what the Congressional Financial Services Committees should be investigating – and now they are.

It is time to find out exactly who was responsible for the “privatized sanctions regime” banks were forced to implement, as Andreessen calls it. The recent release of internal documents by the new leadership of the FDIC appears to contain multiple smoking guns.

Congress and the Trump administration must act to ensure that financial regulators never weaponize America’s banks against legitimate businesses again. They should significantly enhance the accountability of banking regulators and supervisors by increasing transparency and modernizing archaic laws like the Anti-Money Laundering Act.

Banks are already required to treat customers fairly and prohibited from discrimination based on race, sex or national origin. They should not discriminate on the basis of religious or political affiliation either. That said, Congress and state governments should refrain from sweeping mandates on banks that would forbid banks’ necessary, sometimes subjective, judgments regarding matters that are not always quantifiable.

___

Former U.S. Sen. Pat Toomey is an adviser for the Americans For Free Markets coalition.


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Major reform is needed at the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau

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For a decade, as a member of the Florida State Senate, I fought against overregulation.

After the passage of the REINS-style state law overhauling our state’s regulatory environment, I worked tirelessly to help usher in some of the major changes that have made our state a better place to live, work, and raise a family.

Now, as President Donald Trump begins his second term, I am proud to see a focus on overregulation take hold in Washington, D.C.

Shortly after the inauguration, Trump signed one of his most important executive orders: a regulatory freeze that halted further rulemaking pending an executive branch review. This was a key step in his deregulation agenda.

Included in the President’s regulatory freeze was a pause on any rulemaking currently underway at the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB). This pause was especially necessary, because as other agencies had slowed down rulemaking at the end of the Joe Biden era, the CFPB sped up.

Originally formed in 2011, the CFPB has too often strayed from its stated mission of protecting consumers. Under the last administration, it served as a partisan rule-maker that functioned exclusively to help the Democrats. It opted to regulate by enforcement and exceeded its statutory authority, putting consumers and small businesses in harm’s way.

As the Biden administration prepared to leave office, the CFPB ignored the changing of the guard in pursuit of a left-wing agenda that was little more than an assault on small businesses and consumers.

Thankfully, Trump recognized the threat that former CFPB Director Rohit Chopra posed to the administration and fired him. Now, with new leadership in charge, it’s important that the lame-duck, partisan rulemaking be reviewed and repealed if necessary.  

Under the last administration, the CFPB changed the rules of the game when it came to regulating financial institutions. Instead of establishing clear guidelines everyone could follow, the CFPB made rules on the spot and expected companies to comply. The agency adopted a dangerous precedent of regulation by enforcement, punishing institutions for not abiding by rules that the CFPB made up on the spot.

The CFPB’s overreach has created regulatory uncertainty for the institutions it oversees, including banks. The consequences of this uncertainty have trickled down to consumers and small businesses who have paid the ultimate price for overregulation. When financial institutions do not have clear rules of the road, they cannot operate as freely as they would like. Access to capital becomes more difficult than necessary and costs increase.

While most federal agencies slowed down once Trump won in November, the CFPB sped up and attempted to cement its partisan agenda. As the Trump administration was preparing to take over, the CFPB ushered through new regulations on credit card late fees, medical debt, and payment app oversight. All of these issues are outside of its jurisdiction. The rules were nothing more than partisan power grabs in the waning days of the Biden term.

Effective regulation requires clarity, consistency, and most importantly, accountability. The Biden CFPB failed on all fronts. The agency has acted as judge, juror, and executioner on a myriad of cases and hurt the very consumers and small business owners they swore to protect.

The American people deserve better. The last-minute rulemaking and agency actions need to be put under a microscope. In many cases, these partisan rules need to be repealed before they do any further harm.

Change is needed now to correct the misdeeds of the last several years.

___

Former Senator Jeff Brandes is the founder and president of the Florida Policy Project.


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Carlos Guillermo Smith and Johanna López want old pools to meet new safety standards

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Florida is the leader in a terrible statistic: More children under the age of 5 die from drowning in the Sunshine State than any other place in the country, according to the Department of Children and Families.

Two Orlando Democrats are pushing legislation to add more pool regulations they hope will save lives.

Sen. Carlos Guillermo Smith and Rep. Johanna López filed legislation (SB 604, HB 93) that would require, starting Oct. 1, all residences with swimming pools being sold or having ownership transferred to pass a final inspection to make sure the older pools meet the same safety standards for newly constructed pools.

“We must put an end to the epidemic of preventable child drownings that continue to happen in this state,” Smith said in a statement. “Our proposed pool safety requirements are great tools for drowning prevention, and it is critical we ensure they apply to the sale and transfer of all residential homes, regardless of construction year.”

Under their bill, title companies, inspectors and mortgage underwriters will be required to report any home that fails to meet safety and drowning prevention standards, the lawmakers said.

Current Florida law requires pools to have at least one safety measure in place which includes either a safety pool cover, an exit alarm on the home’s doors or windows leading to the pool or a swimming pool alarm.

López co-sponsored a similar bill last year with Rep. Rita Harris that died in the Regulatory Reform and Economic Development Subcommittee.

Too many families in Florida have suffered the unimaginable loss of a child due to accidental drowning — an entirely preventable tragedy,” López said. “By refiling HB 93 alongside Sen. Carlos Guillermo Smith, we are taking a critical step toward strengthening residential pool safety laws, ensuring that every pool has at least one life-saving safety feature.”

Their identical bills were endorsed by Brent Moore, Executive Director of Children’s Safety Village of Central Florida, a nonprofit focused on protecting kids.

“With Florida again leading the nation in unintentional drowning of children under 18 we emphasize the need for heightened safety standards,” Moore said in a statement. “We believe these updated standards reduce drownings, and all homes should have these protections.” 

The Legislature’s Regular Session convenes March 4.


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FDOT chief proposes using electric mini-planes to circumvent traffic

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It’s time for Florida to start looking to the skies to escape bumper-to-bumper highway traffic, according to Florida Department of Transportation (FDOT) Secretary Jared Perdue.

Perdue this month said he’s interested in having the state seek development of helipad-like sites called vertiports to facilitate the operation of electrical mini-planes to shuttle travelers to and from nearby destinations.

The mini-planes, called eVTOL (electric vertical take-off and landing) aircraft, have been in various stages of development — and in various talks for Florida projects — for years.

U.S. Rep. Carlos Giménez met with a German builder called Lilium GmbH when he was Miami-Dade Mayor in 2018 to pursue the option locally. The County Commission later directed his successor, Daniella Levine Cava, to further study developing an “Urban Air Mobility System” in Miami-Dade, with the potential of bringing services to South Florida by as early as 2026.

Purdue’s onboard too, and he envisions “thousands of (eVTOLs) flying back and forth on the I-4 corridor.” He expects the tech will soon be significantly more efficient, affordable and in broader use.

“You can think about movies that you’ve seen that are science fiction,” he told members of the House Economic Infrastructure Subcommittee last week. “I think you’re going to see rapid development over just a few-year time span.”

The concept of flying cars, taxis, buses and freight vehicles is hardly new, as anyone who has watched “The Fifth Element,” “The Jetsons” or read any number of comic books can attest.

Ride-share company Uber has pumped millions into a flying car project. Amazon’s drone delivery system, Prime Air, launched in 2022. Walgreens and Alphabet, the parent company of Google, launched a drone delivery service called Wing the year before.

More such initiatives were or have been in the works across myriad urban areas worldwide, from Miami to Los Angeles to London to Japan and many places in between.

In January, the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) updated its design guidelines for vertiport facilities, partly grouping them with heliports. The move came about three months after the agency issued its final rule for the qualifications and training that instructors and pilots must have to fly aircraft in the “powered-lift” category — meaning they have characteristics of both airplanes and helicopters — to which eVTOLs belong.

It marked a milestone in aviation, FAA Administrator Mike Whitaker noted in October; powered-lift vehicles are the first new category of aircraft in nearly 80 years.

“This historic rule will pave the way for accommodating wide-scale Advanced Air Mobility (AAM) operations in the future,” he said.

Florida lawmakers last year approved legislation to help fund vertiport developments through a new grant program under the Florida Department of Commerce. They could soon consider a next step through twin bills (SB 266, HB 199) by Stuart Republican Sen. Gayle Harrell and Miami Republican Rep. Juan Porras that would exempt eVTOL sales, leases or transfers from the state sales tax.

Neither measure has received a hearing yet.


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