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Gen Z’s yearning for a world before tech ruined everything fuels retro design boom: ‘Nostalgia-driven design choices become comforts that help us cope’

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It might start with a cassette deck that streams Spotify and charges your phone. It doesn’t have to stop there.

These days, yesterday is big business.

A retro revival is underway in the design world: mushroom-shaped lamps, walnut stereo consoles, daisy dishware, neon Polaroid cameras. It’s like our homes just hustled over from “One Day at a Time” or “That ’70s Show” or moonwalked in from “Thriller”-era 1982.

Welcome to the retro reset, where ‘70s, ’80s and ’90s aesthetics are getting a second life. It’s not just in fashion and film but in home décor and tech. Whether you actually lived through it or long for a past you never experienced, nostalgia is fueling a surge of interest from Gen X to Gen Z in throwback styles that blend vintage charm with modern convenience.

Old-school tech, new-school tricks

A big part of the trend is tech that looks analog but functions digitally. Think portable CD players in the kind of candy colors popular at Radio Shack in the 1970s, AM/FM radios equipped with USB outputs, or turntables with Bluetooth amplification to wireless speakers. Compact radios styled after 1970s transistor models now double as smart speakers.

There’s even a growing market for clunky-but-charming mini cathode-ray-style TVs — and boomboxes with streaming capability. It’s as if the Carter, Reagan and Clinton eras have collided with the latest of the digital age.

What draws us? Some of it is the tactile appeal of dials and buttons — of interacting with something that feels solid, more “real.”

In a room, these elements aren’t just nods to the past. They’re also aesthetic statements that add way more character than a giant, flat, black screen, or a “smart” sound system you can’t even see. Stereo consoles in a woodgrain finish or a pastel-colored lacquer offer not only music but a nice furniture addition to a space. (Though who knows: Will those minimalist black screens be ”retro” one day for our children and grandchildren?)

“Whether it’s turntables, cassette players, speakers or musical instruments, there’s definitely a fascination among younger audiences with analog technology and how things worked before the digital age,” says Emmanuel Plat, merchandising director for MoMAstore, the design shop at New York’s Museum of Modern Art.

The store has Tivoli’s Model One table radio, with a throwback-style, wood-grain frame, circle speaker grill and knobs, but 2025’s sound quality and connectivity. They’re also stocking pocket synthesizers, Bluetooth turntables, and “Peanuts”-themed Polaroid cameras and cassette players.

Who’s into it — and why

Gen Z is seeing it all with fresh eyes, and enjoying the hunt for vintage or vintage-look stuff. Millennials and Gen X may enjoy reliving their childhood aesthetics.

And that can be comforting in today’s stressed world, says Joseph Sgambatti, 37, a design journalist in New York City.

“Nostalgia-driven design choices become comforts that help us cope,” he says.

There’s also an ironic, social-media component to the trend.

“Midcentury modern and retro design objects are simple, often show-stopping artifacts,” Sgambatti says. “These finds carry a lot of social currency in a generation that prioritizes publishing their life online.”

Style trends do tend to arrive in cycles — think “Happy Days” portraying the 1950s for the 1970s, or the current Gen-Z crush on Y2K fashion. Plus, a steady diet of nostalgia-rich media from “Stranger Things” to “Barbie” has reintroduced retro design to younger audiences.

But there’s also an emotional component. After years of digital overload and pandemic-era disruptions, we’re gravitating toward styles that feel warmer, softer — more human, even.

Colors that carry meaning

If you walk by the E.C. Reems Academy, an elementary school in Oakland, California, or Houston’s Children’s Assessment Center, you can’t miss the vibrant graphic murals done by Berkeley-based Project Color Corps. The group, which helps transform libraries, schools and other community spaces with eye-catching wall art, often uses graphics, typefaces and an overall palette with a ’70s and ’80s vibe.

In the 1970s, “we sought solace in warm, earthy tones that symbolized grounding and stability. Browns, oranges, olive greens and deep yellows dominated the aesthetic landscape, reflecting the growing Earth movement,” says Laura Guido-Clark, who founded the nonprofit.

It was a different aesthetic in the ‘80s — one dripping with materialism, consumerism, the emergence of ‘”yuppie” culture, says Guido-Clark. “Neon colors, bold patterns and vibrant fashion choices.”

And there’s affection for that, too.

Her group recently worked with the design firm Gensler on a lounge space at Chicago’s NeoCon trade fair for commercial interior design. The space featured retro-flavored colors and motifs.

Gensler’s design director, Marianne Starke, says the colors draw viewers into a sensory experience that might be rooted in memory: “A popsicle on a ‘90s summer day, an ’80s striped T-shirt, a rollerskating rink in the ’70s.”

Furniture with curves and confidence

In furniture, the revival of those slightly distant decades leans toward soft silhouettes, rounded edges and a low-slung vibe. Arched bookshelves, bubble chairs, Lucite tables and terrazzo finishes have all reentered the conversation. Wallpaper and textile patterns feature bold geometrics, Memphis-style squiggles and Pop-Artsy botanicals.

It’s a deliberate swing away from the chilly gray-on-white-on-gray look that farmhouse modern décor gave us for the past couple of decades.

In the process, eras get conflated. Who’s to say whether an inspiration or design comes precisely from the ‘70s, the ’80s or the ’90s — or contains elements of all three?

Designers are even revisiting some once-controversial elements of the disco era: Smoked glass, chrome accents and mirrored surfaces are making subtle (not a word often used in connection with the 1970s) comebacks in upscale interiors and product lines.

Whether it’s a lava lamp grooving on a media console, daisies and doves dancing on wallpaper, or a sofa rocking a bunch of ruffly chintz pillows, the retro revival feels less like a gimmick and more like a shift in how people want to live — integrating elements of the past that offer comfort and delight.

As long as those cassette players keep syncing to Bluetooth and we can stream “Annie Hall,” “Saturday Night Fever” or “Miami Vice,” the past, it seems, is here to stay — at least until our own moment inevitably becomes a nostalgia play in itself.



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49-year-old Democrat who owns a gourmet olive oil store swipes another historically Republican district from Trump and Republicans

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Democrat Eric Gisler claimed an upset victory Tuesday in a special election in a historically Republican Georgia state House district.

Gisler said he was the winner of the contest, in which he was leading Republican Mack “Dutch” Guest by about 200 votes out of more than 11,000 in final unofficial returns.

Robert Sinners, a spokesperson with the secretary of state’s office, said there could be a few provisional ballots left before the tally is finalized.

“I think we had the right message for the time,” Gisler told The Associated Press in a phone interview. He credited his win to Democratic enthusiasm but also said some Republicans were looking for a change.

“A lot of what I would call traditional conservatives held their nose and voted Republican last year on the promise of low prices and whatever else they were selling,” Gisler said. “But they hadn’t received that.”

Guest did not immediately respond to a text message seeking comment late Tuesday.

Democrats have seen a number of electoral successes in 2025 as the party’s voters have been eager to express dissatisfaction with Republican President Donald Trump.

In Georgia in November, they romped to two blowouts in statewide special elections for the Public Service Commission, unseating two incumbent Republicans in campaigns driven by discontent over rising electricity costs.

Nationwide, Democrats won governor’s races by broad margins in Virginia and New Jersey. On Tuesday a Democrat defeated a Trump-endorsed Republican in the officially nonpartisan race for Miami mayor, becoming the first from his party to win the post in nearly 30 years.

Democrats have also performed strongly in some races they lost, such as a Tennessee U.S. House race last week and a Georgia state Senate race in September.

Republicans remain firmly in control of the Georgia House, but their majority is likely fall to 99-81 when lawmakers return in January. Also Tuesday, voters in a second, heavily Republican district in Atlanta’s northwest suburbs sent Republican Bill Fincher and Democrat Scott Sanders to a Jan. 6 runoff to fill a vacancy created when Rep. Mandi Ballinger died.

The GOP majority is down from 119 Republicans in 2015. It would be the first time the GOP holds fewer than 100 seats in the lower chamber since 2005, when they won control for the first time since Reconstruction.

The race between Gisler and Guest in House District 121 in the Athens area northeast of Atlanta was held to replace Republican Marcus Wiedower, who was in the seat since 2018 but resigned in the middle of this term to focus on business interests.

Most of the district is in Oconee County, a Republican suburb of Athens, reaching into heavily Democratic Athens-Clarke County. Republicans gerrymandered Athens-Clarke to include one strongly Democratic district, parceling out the rest of the county into three seats intended to be Republican.

Gisler ran against Wiedower in 2024, losing 61% to 39%. This year was Guest’s first time running for office.

A Democrat briefly won control of the district in a 2017 special election but lost to Wiedower in 2018.

Gisler, a 49-year-old Watkinsville resident, works for an insurance technology company and owns a gourmet olive oil store. He campaigned on improving health care, increasing affordability and reinvesting Georgia’s surplus funds

Guest is the president of a trucking company and touted his community ties, promising to improve public safety and cut taxes. He was endorsed by Republican Gov. Brian Kemp, an Athens native, and raised far more in campaign contributions than Gisler.



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Rivian CEO says it’s a misconception EVs are politicized, with a 50-50 party split among R1 buyers

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If Rivian’s sales are any indication, owning an electric vehicle isn’t such a partisan issue, despite President Donald Trump’s rollbacks of mandates, incentives, and targets for EVs.

At the Fortune Brainstorm AI conference in San Francisco on Tuesday, Rivian CEO RJ Scaringe said it’s a misconception that electrification is politicized, explaining that most customers buy a product based on how it fits their needs, not their ideology. The questions car buyers ask, he said, are the same whether they’re purchasing one with an internal-combustion engine or a battery: “Is it exciting? Are you attracted to the product? Does it draw you in? Does the brand positioning resonate with you? Do the features answer needs that you have?”

Buyers of Rivian’s R1 electric SUV are split roughly 50-50 between Republicans and Democrats, Scaringe told Fortune’s Andrew Nusca. “I think that’s extraordinarily powerful news for us to recognize—that this isn’t just left-leaning buyers,” he added. “These are people that are saying, ‘I like the idea of this product, I’m excited about it.’ And this is thousands and thousands of customers. This is statistically relevant information.”

Buying an EV was once an indication of left-leaning politics, but the politics got scrambled after Tesla CEO Elon Musk became the top Republican donor and a close adviser to Trump. That drew some new customers to Tesla, and turned off a lot of progressive EV buyers, with many existing owners putting bumper stickers on their Teslas explaining that they bought their cars before Musk’s hard-right turn. Trump and Musk later had a stunning public feud, in part over the administration’s elimination of EV and solar tax credits.

But Scaringe said he started Rivian with a long-term view, independent of any policy framework or political trends. He also insisted that if Americans have more EV choices, sales would follow. Right now, Tesla dominates a key corner of the market, namely EVs in the $50,000 price range. Rivian’s forthcoming R2 mid-size SUV will represent a new choice in that market, with a starting price of $45,000 versus the R1’s $70,000.

Ten years from now, Scaringe said he hopes—and believes—that EV adoption in the U.S. will be meaningfully higher than it is today across the board, explaining that the main constraint isn’t on the demand side. Instead, it’s on the supply side, which suffers from “a shocking lack of choice,” especially compared to Europe and China, he added. EV options in the U.S. are limited by the fact that Chinese brands are shut out of the market.

More choices for U.S. EV buyers would presumably create more competition for Rivian—and indeed, the flood of low-priced Chinese EVs in other auto markets has created a backlash, with countries such as Canada imposing steep tariffs on them. But Scaringe appears to view more competition as positive for the market overall.

“I do think that the existence of choice will help drive more penetration, and it actually creates a unique opportunity in the United States,” he said.



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Powell warns of a ‘very unusual’ economy as inflation remains high amid a weakening job market

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Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell on Wednesday described the U.S. economy as “very unusual,” saying policymakers are navigating a rare combination of tariff-driven goods inflation and a labor market that may already be weaker than official data suggests.

The Fed cut interest rates for the third consecutive meeting, a quarter-point reduction Powell framed not as a confident pivot toward easier policy, but as a defensive move meant to keep the labor market from slipping further. He repeatedly emphasized risks to employment have risen “in recent months,” and noted that behind the headline numbers, job creation may already be negative.

Powell made the striking admission the Fed believes the official payroll figures—which have slowed sharply since the summer—are overstating job growth by roughly 60,000 per month. 

“Forty thousand jobs could be negative 20,” he said, adding this dynamic is not well understood by the public because unemployment claims remain historically low—something both economists Mark Zandi and Claudia Sahm recently toldFortune could be giving people a false sense of security about the job market.

“I think a world where job creation is negative… we need to watch that very carefully,” Powell said. 

It is this weakening backdrop Powell said makes the current moment “very unusual”: Inflation remains elevated, but most of the remaining overshoot comes from goods categories directly affected by tariffs, as opposed to domestic economic overheating, which he said the Fed has worked hard to cool since its 2022 highs; inflation excluding tariff-affected goods is “in the low [two percent],” he said. Services inflation is cooling, wage pressures are easing, and neither the labor market nor business surveys suggest a “Phillips-curve” kind of inflation threat, Powell said, referring to the inverse relationship between inflation and unemployment. 

Instead, Powell said, the bulk of the problem is a “one-time price increase” pushing up goods categories as import levies work their way through supply chains. Goods inflation, he noted, should peak around the first quarter of 2026, assuming no additional tariff rounds.

Those crosscurrents have fractured the Fed. Three officials formally dissented from the rate cut on Wednesday, and several others offered what Powell described as “soft dissents,” when an official’s personal projection falls out of what they ultimately voted for. There were six such “soft dissents” this time, during one of the deepest divides inside the FOMC in years, driven by disagreement over how to weigh the risks of lingering inflation against the possibility that job growth is weaker—and much more fragile—than reported.

Powell stressed that policymakers cannot simply choose one mandate to prioritize. 

“There is no risk-free path,” he said, a refrain he’s repeated for months. “When both sides of the mandate are threatened, you should be kind of neutral.” 

He characterized the current stance as being at the “high end” of neutral, allowing the Fed to “wait and see” how the data evolve.



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