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Facebook, TikTok and even LinkedIn are censoring abortion content even when it’s just medical inform

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Clinics, advocacy groups and individuals who share abortion-related content online say they are seeing informational posts being taken down even if the posts don’t clearly violate the platforms’ policies.

The groups, in Latin America and the United States, are denouncing what they see as censorship even in places where abortion is legal. Companies like Meta claim their policies have not changed, and experts attribute the takedowns to over-enforcement at a time when social media platforms are reducing spending on content moderation in favor of artificial intelligence systems that struggle with context, nuance and gray areas.

But abortion advocates say the removals have a chilling effect even if they are later reversed, and navigating platforms’ complex systems of appeals is often difficult, if not impossible.

For months, the digital rights group Electronic Frontier Foundation has been collecting examples from social media users who’ve seen their abortion-related posts taken down or accounts suspended.

“The goal of it was to better understand the breadth of the problem, who’s affected, and with what consequences. Obviously, then once we had a better understanding of the trends, we hope to call attention to the issue, demand accountability and increase transparency in the moderation practices and ultimately, help stop the platforms from censoring this essential, sometimes life-saving information,” said Jennifer Pinsof, staff attorney at EFF.

The organization says it received close to 100 examples of content takedowns from abortion providers, advocacy groups and individuals on Meta platforms such as Instagram and Facebook, as well as TikTok and even LinkedIn.

It’s not clear if the takedowns are increasing or people are posting more about abortion, especially abortion medication such as mifepristone, since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022.

“I would say there was a wave of take-downs shortly after the election that was noticeable enough that it resulted in multiple news stories. But again, it’s not something that’s very easy to measure,” Pinsof said.

Brenna Miller, a TikTok creator who often posts about abortion and works in reproductive health care, said she made a video unboxing an abortion pill package from the nonprofit carafem — where she talked about what was in the package and discussed the process of taking the pills at home.

She posted the video in December. It was up for at least a week before TikTok removed it, saying it violated the platform’s community standards.

“TikTok does have an appeal process, which I tried to go through. And it just locked me out. It said that I didn’t have the option to appeal it,” Miller said. “So I started emailing them, trying to get in contact with a person to just even get an explanation of like, how I violated the community guidelines with an informational video. It took months for me to even get in contact with a person and I don’t even (think) it was really a person. They were sending an automated message for months straight.”

Eventually, the video was restored in May with no explanation.

“I work in public health in my 9-to-5 and we’re seeing a real suppression of public health information and dissemination of that information, particularly in the reproductive health space. And people are scared,” Miller said. “It’s really important to get people this medically accurate information so that they’re not afraid and they actually can access the health care that they need.”

TikTok does not generally prohibit sharing information about abortion or abortion medication, however it does regulate selling and marketing drugs, including abortion pills and it prohibits misinformation that could harm people.

On Facebook, the Red River Women’s Clinic in Moorhead, Minnesota, put up a post saying it offers both surgical and medicated abortion after it heard from a patient who didn’t know it offered medication abortion. The post included a photo of mifepristone. When the clinic tried to turn the post into an ad, its account was suspended. The clinic says that since it does not offer telehealth services, it was not attempting to sell the medication. The clinic appealed the decision and won a reversal, but the account was suspended again shortly after. Ultimately, the clinic was able to resolve the issue through a connection at Meta.

“We were not trying to sell drugs. We were just informing our followers about a service, a legal service that we offer. So that’s alarming that, you know, that was flagged as not fitting into their standards,” said clinic director Tammi Kromenaker. “To have a private company like Meta just go with the political winds and say, we don’t agree with this, so we’re going to flag these and we’re going to shut these down, is very alarming.”

Meta said its policies and enforcement regarding medication-related abortion content have not changed and were not impacted by the changes announced in January, which included the end of its fact-checking program.

“We allow posts and ads promoting health care services like abortion, as well as discussion and debate around them, as long as they follow our policies — and we give people the opportunity to appeal decisions if they think we’ve got it wrong,” the company said in a statement.

In late January, Emory University’s Center for Reproductive Health Research in the Southeast, or RISE, put up an Instagram post about mifepristone that described what it is and why it matters. In March, its account was suspended. The organization then appealed the decision but the appeal was denied and its account was deleted permanently. This decision was later reversed after they were able to connect with someone at Meta. Once the account was restored, it became clear that the suspension was because it was flagged as trying to “buy, sell, promote or exchange illegal or restricted drugs.”

“Where I get concerned is (that) with the increased use of social media, we also have seen correspondingly an increased rise of misinformation and disinformation on social media platforms about many health topics,” said Sara Redd, director of research translation at RISE and an assistant professor at Emory University. “One of main goals through our communications and through our social media is to promote scientifically accurate evidence-based information about reproductive health care, including abortion.”

Laura Edelson, assistant professor of computer science at Northeastern University, said that at the end of the day, while people love to debate platforms’ policies and what the policies should be, what matters is people’s “experiences of sharing information and the information are able to get and they’re able to see.”

“This is just a policy that is not being implemented well. And that, in and of itself, is not all that surprising because we know that Meta has dramatically reduced spending on content moderation efforts,” Edelson said. “There are fewer people who are spending time maintaining automated models. And so content that is even vaguely close to borderline is at risk of being taken down.”



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Rivian CEO says it’s a misconception EVs are politicized, with a 50-50 party split among R1 buyers

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If Rivian’s sales are any indication, owning an electric vehicle isn’t such a partisan issue, despite President Donald Trump’s rollbacks of mandates, incentives, and targets for EVs.

At the Fortune Brainstorm AI conference in San Francisco on Tuesday, Rivian CEO RJ Scaringe said it’s a misconception that electrification is politicized, explaining that most customers buy a product based on how it fits their needs, not their ideology. The questions car buyers ask, he said, are the same whether they’re purchasing one with an internal-combustion engine or a battery: “Is it exciting? Are you attracted to the product? Does it draw you in? Does the brand positioning resonate with you? Do the features answer needs that you have?”

Buyers of Rivian’s R1 electric SUV are split roughly 50-50 between Republicans and Democrats, Scaringe told Fortune’s Andrew Nusca. “I think that’s extraordinarily powerful news for us to recognize—that this isn’t just left-leaning buyers,” he added. “These are people that are saying, ‘I like the idea of this product, I’m excited about it.’ And this is thousands and thousands of customers. This is statistically relevant information.”

Buying an EV was once an indication of left-leaning politics, but the politics got scrambled after Tesla CEO Elon Musk became the top Republican donor and a close adviser to Trump. That drew some new customers to Tesla, and turned off a lot of progressive EV buyers, with many existing owners putting bumper stickers on their Teslas explaining that they bought their cars before Musk’s hard-right turn. Trump and Musk later had a stunning public feud, in part over the administration’s elimination of EV and solar tax credits.

But Scaringe said he started Rivian with a long-term view, independent of any policy framework or political trends. He also insisted that if Americans have more EV choices, sales would follow. Right now, Tesla dominates a key corner of the market, namely EVs in the $50,000 price range. Rivian’s forthcoming R2 mid-size SUV will represent a new choice in that market, with a starting price of $45,000 versus the R1’s $70,000.

Ten years from now, Scaringe said he hopes—and believes—that EV adoption in the U.S. will be meaningfully higher than it is today across the board, explaining that the main constraint isn’t on the demand side. Instead, it’s on the supply side, which suffers from “a shocking lack of choice,” especially compared to Europe and China, he added. EV options in the U.S. are limited by the fact that Chinese brands are shut out of the market.

More choices for U.S. EV buyers would presumably create more competition for Rivian—and indeed, the flood of low-priced Chinese EVs in other auto markets has created a backlash, with countries such as Canada imposing steep tariffs on them. But Scaringe appears to view more competition as positive for the market overall.

“I do think that the existence of choice will help drive more penetration, and it actually creates a unique opportunity in the United States,” he said.



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Powell warns of a ‘very unusual’ economy as inflation remains high amid a weakening job market

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Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell on Wednesday described the U.S. economy as “very unusual,” saying policymakers are navigating a rare combination of tariff-driven goods inflation and a labor market that may already be weaker than official data suggests.

The Fed cut interest rates for the third consecutive meeting, a quarter-point reduction Powell framed not as a confident pivot toward easier policy, but as a defensive move meant to keep the labor market from slipping further. He repeatedly emphasized risks to employment have risen “in recent months,” and noted that behind the headline numbers, job creation may already be negative.

Powell made the striking admission the Fed believes the official payroll figures—which have slowed sharply since the summer—are overstating job growth by roughly 60,000 per month. 

“Forty thousand jobs could be negative 20,” he said, adding this dynamic is not well understood by the public because unemployment claims remain historically low—something both economists Mark Zandi and Claudia Sahm recently toldFortune could be giving people a false sense of security about the job market.

“I think a world where job creation is negative… we need to watch that very carefully,” Powell said. 

It is this weakening backdrop Powell said makes the current moment “very unusual”: Inflation remains elevated, but most of the remaining overshoot comes from goods categories directly affected by tariffs, as opposed to domestic economic overheating, which he said the Fed has worked hard to cool since its 2022 highs; inflation excluding tariff-affected goods is “in the low [two percent],” he said. Services inflation is cooling, wage pressures are easing, and neither the labor market nor business surveys suggest a “Phillips-curve” kind of inflation threat, Powell said, referring to the inverse relationship between inflation and unemployment. 

Instead, Powell said, the bulk of the problem is a “one-time price increase” pushing up goods categories as import levies work their way through supply chains. Goods inflation, he noted, should peak around the first quarter of 2026, assuming no additional tariff rounds.

Those crosscurrents have fractured the Fed. Three officials formally dissented from the rate cut on Wednesday, and several others offered what Powell described as “soft dissents,” when an official’s personal projection falls out of what they ultimately voted for. There were six such “soft dissents” this time, during one of the deepest divides inside the FOMC in years, driven by disagreement over how to weigh the risks of lingering inflation against the possibility that job growth is weaker—and much more fragile—than reported.

Powell stressed that policymakers cannot simply choose one mandate to prioritize. 

“There is no risk-free path,” he said, a refrain he’s repeated for months. “When both sides of the mandate are threatened, you should be kind of neutral.” 

He characterized the current stance as being at the “high end” of neutral, allowing the Fed to “wait and see” how the data evolve.



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Top economist Diane Swonk: Jerome Powell risks losing the Fed’s credibility on a gamble about AI and immigration

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Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell warned Wednesday afternoon that the U.S. labor market may be significantly weaker than the official data suggest. But according to KPMG chief economist Diane Swonk, the Fed may be drawing the wrong conclusion—and in doing so, risks undermining its hard-won credibility on fighting inflation.

In a new analysis shared with Fortune, Swonk argues that Powell is treating the slowdown in hiring as a sign of weakening demand that must be offset with lower interest rates. But if that weakness is being driven instead by structural forces—specifically, AI adoption and sharp declines in immigration—then cutting rates won’t fix the underlying problem and could worsen inflation.

“Powell risks the Fed’s inflation-fighting credibility if the weakness in employment is due more to AI and curbs in immigration than weak demand,” Swonk wrote.

That warning comes after one of the most contentious Federal Open Market Committee meetings in years. The Fed cut rates by a quarter point for the third meeting in a row, taking the federal funds rate down to 3.5%–3.75%, but the vote fractured the committee. Swonk notes it was the first time since 2019 that there were three dissents, and they came “in opposite directions.”

Governor Stephen Miran — currently on leave from the White House Council of Economic Advisers — voted for a half-point cut, while Kansas City Fed President Jeff Schmid and Chicago Fed President Austan Goolsbee voted to hold rates steady.

Swonk highlights that the Fed’s statement resurrected language meant to indicate a pause: “In considering the extent and timing of additional adjustments… the Committee will carefully assess incoming data, the evolving outlook and the balance of risks.” Powell reinforced that stance, saying “We are well positioned to see how the economy evolves” and emphasizing that policymakers would need to “be a bit skeptical” of data distorted by the government shutdown.

But the bigger issue, Swonk argues, is that Powell kept pointing to imminent downward revisions to employment, revisions she warns may not mean what the Fed thinks they do.

If job growth is negative because automation is replacing workers or because the labor force is shrinking due to immigration policy, then monetary policy can’t solve the problem. That’s because rate cuts can stimulate demand, but they cannot create workers or reverse automation decisions already made by firms. 

“The challenge is if that weakness is due to AI and curbs on immigration, then rate cuts will not do much to shore up the labor market. More could show up in inflation,” she wrote.

Powell, during the conference, acknowledged that AI may be “part of the story” behind the cooling labor market, citing major employers like Amazon that have linked hiring freezes and job cuts to automation. But he stressed that it’s “not a big part of the story yet,” and said it’s too early to know whether this wave of technological change will ultimately destroy more jobs than it creates.

He also noted that labor supply has “come down quite sharply” due to a drop in immigration and participation.

A misread could become especially dangerous given the fiscal backdrop. Swonk notes that “expansions to tax cuts last year will show up as a record high tax refunds in early 2026,” warning that the windfall could “further entrench inflation much like we saw in the wake of the pandemic.” 

At the same time, federal debt is projected to surpass GDP for the first time since World War II, marking a level of issuance that is “a lot of debt for bond markets to absorb.”

Swonk also flags mounting risks to credibility inside the Fed itself.

Six participants wanted to hold rates steady, and the market openly dismissed Powell’s attempt at a hawkish spin: investors “priced in more cuts after the meeting,” she notes. Powell now appears to be one of the more dovish voices on the committee, raising questions about the direction of policy if the administration installs a new chair aligned with Miran’s more aggressive easing stance.

Swonk expects the Fed to pause early next year, but warns that if inflation fails to cool as expected, “the bond market could grow more skittish about rate cuts.”



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