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DOGE’s USAID teardown probably violates the Constitution, judge rules as he blocks Musk’s group from making further cuts to the agency

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The dismantling of the U.S. Agency for International Development by billionaire Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency likely violated the Constitution, a federal judge ruled Tuesday as he indefinitely blocked DOGE from making further cuts to the agency.

The order requires the Trump administration to restore email and computer access to all employees of USAID, including those put on administrative leave, though it stops short of reversing firings or fully resurrecting the agency.

In one of the first DOGE lawsuits against Musk himself, U.S. District Judge Theodore Chuang in Maryland rejected the Trump administration’s position that Musk is merely President Donald Trump’s adviser.

Musk’s public statements and social media posts demonstrate that he has “firm control over DOGE,” the judge found pointing to an online post where Musk said he had “fed USAID into the wood chipper.”

The judge said it’s likely that USAID is no longer capable of performing some of its statutorily required functions.

“Taken together, these facts support the conclusion that USAID has been effectively eliminated,” Chuang wrote in the preliminary injunction.

The lawsuit filed by USAID employees and contractors argued that Musk and DOGE are wielding power the Constitution reserves only for those who win elections or are confirmed by the Senate. Their attorneys said the ruling “effectively halts or reverses” many of the steps taken to dismantle the agency.

The administration has said that DOGE is searching for and rooting out waste, fraud and abuse in the federal government, consistent with the campaign message that helped Trump win the 2024 election. The White House and DOGE did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the ruling.

Musk, his team and Trump political appointee Pete Marocco have played a central role in the two-month dismantling of USAID. In one instance in early February, the administration placed the agency’s top security officials on forced leave after they tried to block DOGE workers from accessing USAID’s classified and sensitive documents.

The administration, with Musk’s and DOGE’s support, went on to order all but a fraction of the agency’s staffers off the job through forced leaves and firings, and terminated what the State Department said was at least 83% of USAID’s program contracts.

The moves were part of a broader push by Musk and the Trump administration to eradicate the six-decade-old foreign assistance agency and most of its work overseas.

Trump on Inauguration Day issued an executive order directing a freeze of foreign assistance funding and a review of all U.S. aid and development work abroad, charging that much of foreign assistance was wasteful and advanced a liberal agenda.

Democratic lawmakers and other supporters of USAID have argued Trump had no authority to withhold funding that Congress already approved.

Chuang said DOGE’s and Musk’s fast-moving destruction of USAID likely harmed the public interest by depriving elected lawmakers of their “constitutional authority to decide whether, when and how to close down an agency created by Congress.”

The lawsuit was filed by the State Democracy Defenders Fund. Norm Eisen, the nonprofit’s executive chair, said the ruling is a milestone in pushback to DOGE and the first to find that Musk’s actions violate the Constitution’s Appointments Clause, which mandates presidential approval and Senate confirmation for certain public officials.

“They are performing surgery with a chainsaw instead of a scalpel, harming not just the people USAID serves but the majority of Americans who count on the stability of our government,” he said in a statement.

Oxfam America’s Abby Maxman in a statement urged all staffing and funding to be reinstated. “The funding freeze and program cuts are already having life or death consequences for millions around the world,” said the chief executive of the humanitarian group.

This story was originally featured on Fortune.com



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Trump and Putin teased ‘enormous economic deals’ in their call—but U.S. companies will experience a very different Russia if they return

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There is now very little room for subtext or doubt. Relations between the U.S. and Russia will include “enormous economic deals” as part of the broader normalization of diplomatic affairs between Moscow and Washington.

That optimistic phrase, turbocharged by the expression “huge upside,” was part of the White House’s summary of Tuesday’s call between U.S. President Donald Trump and his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin.

What started as a suggestion—would U.S. sanctions relief be on the table if Trump helped resolve the war on Ukraine?—is now a megaphone-strength alert. A stable conclusion to hostilities, whether a cease-fire or a more elaborate peace agreement, would bring an end to the Russia’s economic isolation.

To be clear, this move is further off than suggested in a breathy White House readout of the two-hour call between Trump and Putin. And the U.S. is not the only country punishing Russia politically and economically. But this is the clearest statement we have yet on Washington’s intentions. More than a few U.S. companies will take this message and run with it.

The business community began to imagine a world without sanctions on Russia when Trump won the November 2024 elections. He campaigned on ending the war in Ukraine, triggering questions about the longevity of sanctions imposed following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. History shows that sanctions are easy to enact and then notoriously sticky. The U.S. has been sanctioning Cuba since 1962.

But Trump’s campaign pledge is gaining a certain amount of momentum. Talks to end the war began in earnest with a phone call between Trump and Putin in February. Shortly after that, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov met in Riyadh. As they departed the talks, they made a public nod to broader commercial engagement between the two countries.

Each of those moves intensified debate among U.S. companies that left Russia three years ago. Should we go back? Some businesses are having the conversation.

Hundreds of Western companies, including some of the U.S.’s most prominent brands, left Russia following the start of the full-scale invasion. Some left because sanctions made it illegal for them to do business there. Others left because their shareholders, customers, or employees wouldn’t support doing business in or with an aggressor nation. Wide public campaigns to name and shame Western companies in Russia helped focus the minds of executives in the U.S. and around the world.

Tuesday’s Trump-Putin dialogue will intensify deliberations inside U.S. companies. For some of them, sanctions relief is the sole green light they need to go back to Russia. But an end of sanctions is not the end of the discussion. It should be the beginning.

As Tuesday’s call showed, Putin is in no hurry to end the war. His strategic goal remains fully disabling Ukrainian sovereignty. As Trump and Putin negotiate an “unconditional cease-fire,” Putin only adds conditions. These talks will not end soon.

If and when they do, companies thinking of returning to Russia will find a country dramatically different from the one they left. The war on Ukraine has lasted longer than anyone predicted—long enough to see a number of important transformations on the ground in Russia.

Among those changes is the emergence of a new business elite now in possession not only of considerable political favor, but also of several Western assets sold or otherwise “reallocated” away from their former owners. Sure, some U.S. companies inserted buy-back clauses into their exits from Russia, but it is worth questioning the durability of those agreements.

The marketplace has changed, too. While the West was away, companies from non-sanctioning countries came to play. Russian car dealerships once offering sparkling new Volkswagens and Toyotas, among others, are now selling flashy Chinese models.

The law on the ground in Russia has changed, too. Intellectual property law, for example, has been eviscerated. Russian pharmaceutical companies now have government licenses to produce semaglutide injections, in complete contravention to Novo Nordisk’s patents on the drug.

Novo Nordisk is, of course, a Danish company, and relations between Europe and Russia remain hostile. This raises another complication: If the U.S. is determined to lift sanctions but Europe remains, for now, in punishment mode, how will companies navigate an asymmetrical sanctions environment? EU sanctions could, of course tumble too. They depend on periodic, unanimous renewal votes.

Finally, the U.S. business community will want to know whether Trump’s ambitious forecast for normalcy with Russia will include a backstop. Political risk insurance for companies returning to Russia will be astronomically expensive, if it is available at all. Will the White House act as an insurer of last resort, and throw its political weight behind U.S. companies if conditions once again deteriorate?

The opinions expressed in Fortune.com commentary pieces are solely the views of their authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Fortune.

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Millennials choosing to be DINKs could push GDP down by as much as 4%

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Deciding whether or not to have children is a deeply personal choice for any individual, but an increasing resistance to becoming a parent now presents challenges to society as a whole.

The crude birth rate in the U.S. has dropped by more than half since the 1960s. Per the St. Louis Fed, sixty years ago approximately 24 babies were born per 1,000 people, in 2022 that figure stood at 11.

This drop—combined with the fact that the nation’s population is living longer—is a serious concern for economists who question how economies will function with fewer people available to do the work.

Melinda Mills is a professor of demography and population health at Oxford University’s Nuffield Department of Population Health. Mills explains: “Sustained low fertility combined with longer life expectancy results in aging populations.

“This causes strains in the labor market such as health care for older populations, the closing of schools, rethinking housing and infrastructure, and rethinking pension systems and age of retirement.”

The resulting drop in GDP from this aging population could be as much as 4%, James Pomeroy, HSBC’s global economist, previously told Business Insider.

Are Americans having fewer kids?

Previously experts believed that economies would see a post-COVID “baby bump,” spurred by a brief uptick in births in 2021.

But data from 2022 and 2023 made it clear births were reverting back to their pre-pandemic trend with couples increasingly choosing a dual-income-no-kids (DINK) lifestyle, as the CDC reported last year that in 2023 U.S. fertility rates fell to a historic low of about 55 births for every 1,000 females ages 15 to 44.

“In a low-fertility scenario, the number of people of the traditional working age could start falling within 20 years,” Pomeroy wrote in his latest note on the subject, though Mills warned the tension between fewer births and an older population is already being felt.

She explained many countries are already struggling to fill health care positions, which previously had relied on migrant workers to fill.

“This has happened in the U.K., for instance where in 2022 around 33% of migrants were to work in the health care system,” Mills, director of the Leverhulme Centre for Demographic Science, told Fortune.

“This has also caused political tensions, with countries increasingly facing choices related to sustaining the labor force and pension systems while also thinking about reskilling or urging existing inactive populations into the labor market.”

For HSBC’s Pomeroy, this will have concrete efforts on people’s daily lives: “You’ll find it more difficult to find somebody to cut your hair, do your nails, set up the X-ray machines at the hospital. The sheer decrease in the number of people…becomes a problem.”

What are millennials having fewer children?

Young people have plenty of reasons not to want kids right now: expensive childcare, an unaffordable housing market, high costs of groceries and household essentials, career disruption, and concerns for the future of the planet.

A Pew Research study from July 2024 spoke to more than 3,000 people who either haven’t had children or don’t plan to.

Of those aged between 18 and 49—who fall predominantly into the Gen Z and millennial generations—who said they didn’t plan on having children, the top reason is simply that they didn’t want to or wanted to focus on other things.

Additionally, 38% said they didn’t want to have children because they were concerned about the state of the world, and 36% said they couldn’t afford to raise a child.

A further 26% said they didn’t want to have children because of environmental concerns and 24% said they wouldn’t have children because they hadn’t found the right partner.

One factor impacting birth rates is also women’s increasing power and influence within the economy.

Mills explains: “The main reasons are manifold, including shifts such women obtaining higher education and remaining in the labor market, work-family reconciliation, but also housing problems, gender equality, and uncertainty for the future.

“The age at first birth is also above 30 in many countries for women and even higher for men at 32 and older. This also causes increasingly biological limits of fertility.”

Couple ask if they can have a career and a baby

Another consideration for many DINK couples is the freedom they can enjoy in their careers if they don’t have the pressure of children to provide for.

Heather Maclean and her husband Scott Kyrish told Fortune in 2023 that the choice not to have children has allowed them to have a “rose and gardener” approach to their careers—the idea that while one person can grow and take risks, the other remains the stable supporter.

“I never thought I’d quit my job to try and write a book. It was never something I saw as an option,” Maclean said.

“But then I took the time to think about what I really wanted to do if I could do anything, and it took a lot of convincing and months of assurances that I could take the time off and afford it, to decide to do it.”

A version of this story originally published on Fortune.com on Nov. 19, 2024.

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Exclusive: Pluralis raises $7.6 million from prominent investors to take on OpenAI with big decentralized models

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State-of-the-art AI requires massive amounts of computing power, and only the largest companies can compete. Wouldn’t it be great if smaller outfits could challenge tech behemoths with their own AI algorithms? That’s what Pluralis Research thinks, and it’s one of a handful of startups that believes blockchains—essentially decentralized cloud computing networks akin to Amazon Web Services—may be the answer. 

On Wednesday, Pluralis announced that it had secured $7.6 million in pre-seed and seed funding, led by the venture capital firms CoinFund and Union Square Ventures. Topology, Variant, Eden Block, and Bodhi Ventures also participated in the round, along with prominent crypto investor Balaji Srinivasan and Clem Delangue, cofounder of the popular AI platform HuggingFace.

The raise was for equity, with a warrant for future cryptocurrency—if Pluralis decides to launch one, Alexander Long, founder and CEO, told Fortune.

For now Pluralis doesn’t have a product, meaning investors are primarily betting on Long and the veteran team of AI researchers he’s assembled. “I raised the round on, ‘This team is the right team to try and tackle this problem’,” Long said. “No one else is trying. We think we can do it.”

The Pluralis founder has a doctorate in computer science and worked at Amazon for more than three years as an AI engineer. He’s assembled seven other computer scientists, all with doctorates or stints as postdoctoral researchers, to see if it’s possible to build powerful AI algorithms through a decentralized network of servers.

Currently, top-flight AI requires fleets of expensive computers in a warehouse working together to train massive algorithms. Researchers estimated that it took 1,300 megawatt hours of energy, or about as much electricity consumed by 130 U.S. homes in a year, to produce an earlier version of OpenAI’s GPT model, or algorithm. This costs money, which means the only firms that can win the AI arms race have large pockets.

For crypto founders, whose technology is predicated on the ideal of decentralization, the idea that a few corporations could wield so much power is a problem, which is why some AI researchers have begun to think about how to create, or train, powerful AI algorithms through a decentralized network of servers. Gensyn, Prime Intellect, and a handful of firms are already exploring the possibility.

Pluralis’s approach is different, Long said. Most attempts at training AI through a network of decentralized computers require those computers to download the entire model. If the servers are small, that puts a ceiling on the size—and power—of a model. Long wants to research whether it’s possible to train portions of a model, rather than the whole model itself, on one computer. “If you can make the problem precise enough, it often leads to immediate ways you can start to solve it,” he said.

Investors believe Long, who has already started his research, may be on his way, and they have enough faith in him and his team that they’re willing to make a bet—even if it’s a longshot. “If this works out,” Jake Brukhman, founder and CEO of CoinFund, proclaimed to Fortune, ”this is going to change the world.” 

This story was originally featured on Fortune.com



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