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Dick Cheney, one of most powerful, polarizing vice presidents in history, dies at 84

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Dick Cheney, the hard-charging conservative who became one of the most powerful and polarizing vice presidents in U.S. history and a leading advocate for the invasion of Iraq, has died at age 84.

Cheney died Monday night due to complications of pneumonia and cardiac and vascular disease, according to a statement from family spokesman Jeremy Adler.

The quietly forceful Cheney served father and son presidents, leading the armed forces as defense chief during the Persian Gulf War under President George H.W. Bush before returning to public life as Vice President under Bush’s son, George W. Bush.

Cheney was, in effect, the chief operating officer of the younger Bush’s presidency. He had a hand, often a commanding one, in implementing decisions most important to the President and some of surpassing interest to himself — all while living with decades of heart disease and, post-administration, a heart transplant. Cheney consistently defended the extraordinary tools of surveillance, detention and inquisition employed in response to the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001.

Years after leaving office, he became a target of President Donald Trump, especially after daughter Liz Cheney became the leading Republican critic and examiner of Trump’s desperate attempts to stay in power after his election defeat and his actions in the Jan. 6, 2021, riot at the Capitol.

“In our nation’s 246-year history, there has never been an individual who was a greater threat to our republic than Donald Trump,” Cheney said in a television ad for his daughter. “He tried to steal the last election using lies and violence to keep himself in power after the voters had rejected him. He is a coward.”

In a twist the Democrats of his era could never have imagined, Dick Cheney said last year he was voting for their candidate, Kamala Harris, for President against Trump.

A survivor of five heart attacks, Cheney long thought he was living on borrowed time and declared in 2013 he now awoke each morning “with a smile on my face, thankful for the gift of another day,” an odd image for a figure who always seemed to be manning the ramparts.

His vice presidency defined by the age of terrorism, Cheney disclosed that he had had the wireless function of his defibrillator turned off years earlier out of fear terrorists would remotely send his heart a fatal shock.

In his time in office, no longer was the vice presidency merely a ceremonial afterthought. Instead, Cheney made it a network of back channels from which to influence policy on Iraq, terrorism, presidential powers, energy and other cornerstones of a conservative agenda.

Fixed with a seemingly permanent half-smile — detractors called it a smirk — Cheney joked about his outsize reputation as a stealthy manipulator.

“Am I the evil genius in the corner that nobody ever sees come out of his hole?” he asked. “It’s a nice way to operate, actually.”

A hard-liner on Iraq who was increasingly isolated as other hawks left government, Cheney was proved wrong on point after point in the Iraq War, without ever losing the conviction that he was essentially right.

He alleged links between the 2001 attacks against the United States and prewar Iraq that didn’t exist. He said U.S. troops would be welcomed as liberators; they weren’t. He declared the Iraqi insurgency in its last throes in May 2005, back when 1,661 U.S. service members had been killed, not even half the toll by war’s end.

For admirers, he kept the faith in a shaky time, resolute even as the nation turned against the war and the leaders waging it.

But well into Bush’s second term, Cheney’s clout waned, checked by courts or shifting political realities.

Courts ruled against efforts he championed to broaden presidential authority and accord special harsh treatment to suspected terrorists. His hawkish positions on Iran and North Korea were not fully embraced by Bush.

Cheney operated much of the time from undisclosed locations in the months after the 2001 attacks, kept apart from Bush to ensure one or the other would survive any follow-up assault on the country’s leadership.

With Bush out of town on that fateful day, Cheney was a steady presence in the White House, at least until Secret Service agents lifted him off his feet and carried him away, in a scene the vice president later described to comical effect.

From the beginning, Cheney and Bush struck an odd bargain, unspoken but well understood. Shelving any ambitions he might have had to succeed Bush, Cheney was accorded power comparable in some ways to the presidency itself.

That bargain largely held up.

“He is constituted in a way to be the ultimate No. 2 guy,” Dave Gribbin, a friend who grew up with Cheney in Casper, Wyoming, and worked with him in Washington, once said. “He is congenitally discreet. He is remarkably loyal.”

As Cheney put it: “I made the decision when I signed on with the President that the only agenda I would have would be his agenda, that I was not going to be like most vice presidents — and that was angling, trying to figure out how I was going to be elected President when his term was over with.”

His penchant for secrecy and backstage maneuvering had a price. He came to be seen as a thin-skinned Machiavelli orchestrating a bungled response to criticism of the Iraq war. And when he shot a hunting companion in the torso, neck and face with an errant shotgun blast in 2006, he and his coterie were slow to disclose that extraordinary turn of events.

The Vice President called it “one of the worst days of my life.” The victim, his friend Harry Whittington, recovered and quickly forgave him. Comedians were relentless about it for months. Whittington died in 2023.

When Bush began his presidential quest, he sought help from Cheney, a Washington insider who had retreated to the oil business. Cheney led the team to find a vice presidential candidate.

Bush decided the best choice was the man picked to help with the choosing.

Together, the pair faced a protracted 2000 postelection battle before they could claim victory. A series of recounts and court challenges — a tempest that brewed from Florida to the nation’s highest court — left the nation in limbo for weeks.

Cheney took charge of the presidential transition before victory was clear and helped give the administration a smooth launch despite the lost time. In office, disputes among departments vying for a bigger piece of Bush’s constrained budget came to his desk and often were settled there.

On Capitol Hill, Cheney lobbied for the President’s programs in halls he had walked as a deeply conservative member of Congress and the No. 2 Republican House leader.

Jokes abounded about how Cheney was the real No. 1 in town; Bush didn’t seem to mind and cracked a few himself. But such comments became less apt later in Bush’s presidency as he clearly came into his own.

Cheney retired to Jackson Hole, not far from where Liz Cheney a few years later bought a home, establishing Wyoming residency before she won his old House seat in 2016. The fates of father and daughter grew closer, too, as the Cheney family became one of Trump’s favorite targets.

Dick Cheney rallied to his daughter’s defense in 2022 as she juggled her lead role on the committee investigating Jan. 6 with trying to get reelected in deeply conservative Wyoming.

Liz Cheney’s vote for Trump’s impeachment after the insurrection earned her praise from many Democrats and political observers outside Congress. But that praise and her father’s support didn’t keep her from losing badly in the Republican primary, a dramatic fall after her quick rise to the No. 3 job in the House GOP leadership.

Politics first lured Dick Cheney to Washington in 1968, when he was a congressional fellow. He became a protégé of Rep. Donald Rumsfeld, an Illinois Republican, serving under him in two agencies and in Gerald Ford’s White House before he was elevated to chief of staff, the youngest ever, at age 34.

Cheney held the post for 14 months, then returned to Casper, where he had been raised, and ran for the state’s single congressional seat.

In that first race for the House, Cheney suffered a mild heart attack, prompting him to crack he was forming a group called “Cardiacs for Cheney.” He still managed a decisive victory and went on to win five more terms.

In 1989, Cheney became defense secretary under the first President Bush and led the Pentagon during the 1990-91 Persian Gulf War that drove Iraq’s troops from Kuwait. Between the two Bush administrations, Cheney led Dallas-based Halliburton Corp., a large engineering and construction company for the oil industry.

Cheney was born in Lincoln, Nebraska, son of a longtime Agriculture Department worker. Senior class president and football co-captain in Casper, he went to Yale on a full scholarship for a year but left with failing grades.

He moved back to Wyoming, eventually enrolled at the University of Wyoming and renewed a relationship with high school sweetheart Lynne Anne Vincent, marrying her in 1964. He is survived by his wife, by Liz and by a second daughter, Mary.

___

Republished with permission of The Associated Press.



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Miami Beach committee leadership reshuffle excludes women from every top post

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Miami Beach Mayor Steven Meiner unveiled his new committee appointments for 2026, and there’s a commonality among them: no women Chairs.

In all three of the city’s Commission committees, which are appointed solely by the Mayor and composed exclusively of City Commission members, men hold the top post.

That’s despite three of the Commission’s six non-Mayor members being women.

On the Land Use and Sustainability Committee, Meiner elevated previous Vice Chair David Suarez to Chair and demoted prior Chair Alex Fernandez to Vice Chair.

He did the same with the Public Safety and Neighborhood Quality of Life Committee, where Fernandez rose from Vice Chair to Chair, and Laura Dominguez switched to Vice Chair.

Only on the Finance and Economic Resiliency Committee did last year’s arrangement remain the same, with Joseph Magazine keeping his Chairmanship, with Suarez staying on as the panel’s second-in-command.

Commissioner Tanya Bhatt holds membership posts in two of the three committees and is an alternate member for a third, in which Monica Matteo-Salinas — who won election to the City Commission in December — serves as a member.

Florida Politics contacted Meiner, Bhatt, Dominguez and Matteo-Salinas for comment, but received no response by press time. We also reached out to Lynette Long, who chairs the Miami Beach Commission for Women, but she did not immediately respond.

Suarez said by text that he doesn’t believe Meiner’s appointments have anything to do with gender.

“Commission committee assignments rotate and are based on merit and experience, and suggesting otherwise leans into a false narrative where none exists,” he said. “Women have long chaired committees — both Commission committees and other City committees — and continue to serve today as chairs and vice chairs on both.”

Magazine said he looks forward to continuing his work leading on economic resiliency.

“Given my long financial background in the private sector and our success in the last two budget seasons, I’m happy to be appointed Chair again,” he said. He declined to comment on other appointments.

Fernandez said he is proud of the record he built as Chair of the Land Use and Sustainability Committee, which secured critical exemptions from the 2024 Resiliency and Safe Structures Act, helped preserve architectural design standards under the Live Local Act and modernized historic preservation regulations, among other accomplishments.

“Serving as Chair of the Land Use Committee was something I was proud of and I will continue to be proud of the committee’s record of accomplishments during my tenure,” he wrote in a statement that did not touch on the women-as-Chairs subject.

Last year, Dominguez and Matteo-Salinas each defeated opponents who participated in a campaign event for Meiner also attended by one of the officers who questioned resident-activist Raquel Pacheco at her home last week after she wrote disparagingly about the Mayor on Facebook.

The visit has since made national headlines.



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Emily Duda Buckley family business gets philanthropic, gives $200K to cancel student lunch debt

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As part of its 100th anniversary celebrations, family-operated agriculture and real estate company DUDA has donated $200,000 to the nonprofit All for Lunch program to eliminate school lunch debt for students in Seminole County who qualify for free or reduced meals.

The company, which owns a suite of brands across the country in both agriculture and real estate development, includes leadership from Emily Duda Buckley, who is running for House District 38 to replace term-limited incumbent David Smith.

Duda Buckley is the senior manager for external affairs for DUDA, where she leads the company’s external engagement strategy with a primary focus on community relations, philanthropy and industry partnerships. She also monitors public policy and regulatory developments that may impact business operations.

“Education begins with meeting basic needs,” Duda Buckley said of the company’s donation to All for Lunch. “Clearing school lunch debt helps remove a quiet but very real barrier for students and families, and our family business is honored to support Seminole County schools in this meaningful way. When we support students, we support the entire community.”

The Duda family presented a check Tuesday to All for Lunch and Seminole County Public Schools, at Pine Crest Elementary.

“As we celebrate 100 years, it’s important for us to give back to the community that helped shape who we are,” said Tracy Duda Chapman, Chief Legal and Administrative Officer at DUDA.

“Our family firmly believes in sharing our blessings, and eliminating this lunch debt allows us to put those values into action and support Seminole County families in a tangible way. No child should carry the weight of a lunch debt, and we’re honored to help ensure students have access to the nutritious foods they need to optimize learning.”

The donation from DUDA will clear lunch balances for more than 3,600 Seminole County students who qualify for free meals and another 1,425 who receive reduced-price meals, collectively helping more than 5,000 students eliminate stress and focus on learning.

“DUDA’s donation made an immediate difference for thousands of students. When a partner steps forward at this scale, it allows us to lift a burden that many parents quietly struggle with. This gift didn’t just erase debt — it offers relief for families navigating tight household budgets month-to-month,” All for Lunch founder and Executive Director Alessandra Ferrara-Miller said.

It’s estimated that 1 in 6 kids in Central Florida face hunger on any given day, and Seminole County school leaders say this type of philanthropic support is a huge relief to those students and their families.

“The extraordinary generosity of DUDA exemplifies that community partnerships make a significant impact on the lives of our students and families,” Seminole County Public Schools Superintendent Serita Beamon said.

“This support provides a fresh start for many of our families and helps to ensure students and their families can focus on learning. On behalf of our students, families, and staff, thank you for making such a meaningful difference.”

And Seminole County Schools are also using the Duda family philanthropy as a tool to attract additional donors. All for Lunch has established a special donation page in honor of DUDA’s 100th anniversary contribution, allowing anyone in Central Florida to chip in to make a difference.

Emily Duda Buckley is one of three Republicans currently vying for the HD 38 seat, and she’s off to an early lead, with nearly $134,000 raised. The other two Republicans in the race are far behind, with Marcus Hyatt banking more than $35,000 and Austyn Cydney Spell hasn’t reported any fundraising.



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Have Democrats given up on the Pinellas County Commission?

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Three Pinellas County Commission seats are up for election this year, and Republicans incumbents are seeking re-election in all of them. Those office-holders appear relatively safe if 2025 campaign finance reports are any indication.

Brian Scott, who represents the countywide District 2 seat, is so far unopposed. Qualifying in the races runs June 8-12, so there is still time for a challenger to emerge. However, any would-be challenger would enter the race at an immediate funding disadvantage, with Scott raising more than $94,000 as of the end of 2025.

The other two incumbents facing re-election this year — Dave Eggers in District 4 and Kathleen Peters in District 6 — have drawn challengers, though neither have posted significant fundraising activity since entering the race.

There isn’t a Democrat challenging Eggers so far, but he faces intraparty opposition from fellow Republican Tony Ringelspaugh. Ringelspaugh, who describes himself as retired, raised just $1,000 since entering the race in October, and half of that was a contribution from himself to his campaign. As of Dec. 31, he hadn’t spent any of it.

Eggers, meanwhile, has raised nearly $19,000 and retains about $13,000. It’s a small sum compared to fundraising activity in past Pinellas County Commission races — note Scott’s nearly six-figure haul for a so far unopposed race — but it’s still enough to create a wide funding gap between his opponent.

And Ringelspaugh doesn’t appear to be actively campaigning at this point. His most recent post to his campaign Facebook page was on Oct. 15 announcing his bid. Ringelspaugh does not appear to have a campaign website, either.

Eggers also has strong institutional support, including recent nods from U.S. Reps. Gus Bilirakis and Anna Paulina Luna.

Eggers faced intraparty opposition four years ago, but won re-election that year with 68% of the vote. If no Democrat enters the race, and no one files as a write-in to close the Primary, the GOP Primary will be open to all voters.

District 4 covers the northernmost parts of Pinellas County, including Palm Harbor, East Lake, Tarpon Springs, Dunedin and Safety Harbor.

Peters is the top fundraiser among incumbents up for re-election this year, with $103,000 raised as of Dec. 31. Her opponent, architect David Glenn Jr., a Democrat, has collected less than $2,300.

While Glenn entered the race in December and only had three weeks of fundraising to report, his early activity doesn’t show a lot of momentum. All of his funds came from the candidate himself. Still, he has been at least somewhat active on social media and in the community, speaking at local Democratic clubs. His campaign website, though, doesn’t list any upcoming events.

Glenn previously said he was running to disrupt what he describes as entrenched county leadership. His platform emphasizes land use and development policy, arguing the need for more density and carefully planned growth. He also favors increased support for public transportation and affordable housing, and wants to crack down on nuisance short-term rental properties, among other priorities.

But getting that message to voters amid a six-figure funding deficit will be a challenge, and like her colleagues on the dais, Peters will have plenty of support from the county’s donor class.

Peter’s fourth-quarter haul, which was nearly $40,000, included top $1,000 donations from a number of local businesses and interests, including Marine construction companies Speeler Helicals, Bayside Dredging, Tampa Bay Marine Contractors, Haven Dock & Marine, Decks & Docks Lumber, Waterfront Property Services, and BCJ 2.

She also received top donations from a couple of bowling alleys, and from interests in real estate development, insurance, restaurant and automotive industries. The political committee supporting state Rep. Linda Chaney cut a $1,000 check in the fourth quarter, as did former state Rep. Jackie Toledo, both Republicans, among other donors.

First elected in 2018 with 60% of the vote over Democrat Amy Kedron, Peters was re-elected in 2022 without opposition.

Taken collectively, the three County Commission seats up for election this year may prove to be sleepy affairs unless current challengers step up campaign efforts.

The lack of competitive races so far may be a result of Pinellas County’s position as an increasingly red region. For Scott, countywide voter registration favors Republicans by about 47,000 voters. In Eggers’ District 4, Republicans outnumber Democrats by about 29,000 voters, and Democrats trail Republicans in Peters’ District 6 by about 23,000 voters.



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