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Dick Cheney, one of most powerful, polarizing vice presidents in history, dies at 84

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Dick Cheney, the hard-charging conservative who became one of the most powerful and polarizing vice presidents in U.S. history and a leading advocate for the invasion of Iraq, has died at age 84.

Cheney died Monday night due to complications of pneumonia and cardiac and vascular disease, according to a statement from family spokesman Jeremy Adler.

The quietly forceful Cheney served father and son presidents, leading the armed forces as defense chief during the Persian Gulf War under President George H.W. Bush before returning to public life as Vice President under Bush’s son, George W. Bush.

Cheney was, in effect, the chief operating officer of the younger Bush’s presidency. He had a hand, often a commanding one, in implementing decisions most important to the President and some of surpassing interest to himself — all while living with decades of heart disease and, post-administration, a heart transplant. Cheney consistently defended the extraordinary tools of surveillance, detention and inquisition employed in response to the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001.

Years after leaving office, he became a target of President Donald Trump, especially after daughter Liz Cheney became the leading Republican critic and examiner of Trump’s desperate attempts to stay in power after his election defeat and his actions in the Jan. 6, 2021, riot at the Capitol.

“In our nation’s 246-year history, there has never been an individual who was a greater threat to our republic than Donald Trump,” Cheney said in a television ad for his daughter. “He tried to steal the last election using lies and violence to keep himself in power after the voters had rejected him. He is a coward.”

In a twist the Democrats of his era could never have imagined, Dick Cheney said last year he was voting for their candidate, Kamala Harris, for President against Trump.

A survivor of five heart attacks, Cheney long thought he was living on borrowed time and declared in 2013 he now awoke each morning “with a smile on my face, thankful for the gift of another day,” an odd image for a figure who always seemed to be manning the ramparts.

His vice presidency defined by the age of terrorism, Cheney disclosed that he had had the wireless function of his defibrillator turned off years earlier out of fear terrorists would remotely send his heart a fatal shock.

In his time in office, no longer was the vice presidency merely a ceremonial afterthought. Instead, Cheney made it a network of back channels from which to influence policy on Iraq, terrorism, presidential powers, energy and other cornerstones of a conservative agenda.

Fixed with a seemingly permanent half-smile — detractors called it a smirk — Cheney joked about his outsize reputation as a stealthy manipulator.

“Am I the evil genius in the corner that nobody ever sees come out of his hole?” he asked. “It’s a nice way to operate, actually.”

A hard-liner on Iraq who was increasingly isolated as other hawks left government, Cheney was proved wrong on point after point in the Iraq War, without ever losing the conviction that he was essentially right.

He alleged links between the 2001 attacks against the United States and prewar Iraq that didn’t exist. He said U.S. troops would be welcomed as liberators; they weren’t. He declared the Iraqi insurgency in its last throes in May 2005, back when 1,661 U.S. service members had been killed, not even half the toll by war’s end.

For admirers, he kept the faith in a shaky time, resolute even as the nation turned against the war and the leaders waging it.

But well into Bush’s second term, Cheney’s clout waned, checked by courts or shifting political realities.

Courts ruled against efforts he championed to broaden presidential authority and accord special harsh treatment to suspected terrorists. His hawkish positions on Iran and North Korea were not fully embraced by Bush.

Cheney operated much of the time from undisclosed locations in the months after the 2001 attacks, kept apart from Bush to ensure one or the other would survive any follow-up assault on the country’s leadership.

With Bush out of town on that fateful day, Cheney was a steady presence in the White House, at least until Secret Service agents lifted him off his feet and carried him away, in a scene the vice president later described to comical effect.

From the beginning, Cheney and Bush struck an odd bargain, unspoken but well understood. Shelving any ambitions he might have had to succeed Bush, Cheney was accorded power comparable in some ways to the presidency itself.

That bargain largely held up.

“He is constituted in a way to be the ultimate No. 2 guy,” Dave Gribbin, a friend who grew up with Cheney in Casper, Wyoming, and worked with him in Washington, once said. “He is congenitally discreet. He is remarkably loyal.”

As Cheney put it: “I made the decision when I signed on with the President that the only agenda I would have would be his agenda, that I was not going to be like most vice presidents — and that was angling, trying to figure out how I was going to be elected President when his term was over with.”

His penchant for secrecy and backstage maneuvering had a price. He came to be seen as a thin-skinned Machiavelli orchestrating a bungled response to criticism of the Iraq war. And when he shot a hunting companion in the torso, neck and face with an errant shotgun blast in 2006, he and his coterie were slow to disclose that extraordinary turn of events.

The Vice President called it “one of the worst days of my life.” The victim, his friend Harry Whittington, recovered and quickly forgave him. Comedians were relentless about it for months. Whittington died in 2023.

When Bush began his presidential quest, he sought help from Cheney, a Washington insider who had retreated to the oil business. Cheney led the team to find a vice presidential candidate.

Bush decided the best choice was the man picked to help with the choosing.

Together, the pair faced a protracted 2000 postelection battle before they could claim victory. A series of recounts and court challenges — a tempest that brewed from Florida to the nation’s highest court — left the nation in limbo for weeks.

Cheney took charge of the presidential transition before victory was clear and helped give the administration a smooth launch despite the lost time. In office, disputes among departments vying for a bigger piece of Bush’s constrained budget came to his desk and often were settled there.

On Capitol Hill, Cheney lobbied for the President’s programs in halls he had walked as a deeply conservative member of Congress and the No. 2 Republican House leader.

Jokes abounded about how Cheney was the real No. 1 in town; Bush didn’t seem to mind and cracked a few himself. But such comments became less apt later in Bush’s presidency as he clearly came into his own.

Cheney retired to Jackson Hole, not far from where Liz Cheney a few years later bought a home, establishing Wyoming residency before she won his old House seat in 2016. The fates of father and daughter grew closer, too, as the Cheney family became one of Trump’s favorite targets.

Dick Cheney rallied to his daughter’s defense in 2022 as she juggled her lead role on the committee investigating Jan. 6 with trying to get reelected in deeply conservative Wyoming.

Liz Cheney’s vote for Trump’s impeachment after the insurrection earned her praise from many Democrats and political observers outside Congress. But that praise and her father’s support didn’t keep her from losing badly in the Republican primary, a dramatic fall after her quick rise to the No. 3 job in the House GOP leadership.

Politics first lured Dick Cheney to Washington in 1968, when he was a congressional fellow. He became a protégé of Rep. Donald Rumsfeld, an Illinois Republican, serving under him in two agencies and in Gerald Ford’s White House before he was elevated to chief of staff, the youngest ever, at age 34.

Cheney held the post for 14 months, then returned to Casper, where he had been raised, and ran for the state’s single congressional seat.

In that first race for the House, Cheney suffered a mild heart attack, prompting him to crack he was forming a group called “Cardiacs for Cheney.” He still managed a decisive victory and went on to win five more terms.

In 1989, Cheney became defense secretary under the first President Bush and led the Pentagon during the 1990-91 Persian Gulf War that drove Iraq’s troops from Kuwait. Between the two Bush administrations, Cheney led Dallas-based Halliburton Corp., a large engineering and construction company for the oil industry.

Cheney was born in Lincoln, Nebraska, son of a longtime Agriculture Department worker. Senior class president and football co-captain in Casper, he went to Yale on a full scholarship for a year but left with failing grades.

He moved back to Wyoming, eventually enrolled at the University of Wyoming and renewed a relationship with high school sweetheart Lynne Anne Vincent, marrying her in 1964. He is survived by his wife, by Liz and by a second daughter, Mary.

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Republished with permission of The Associated Press.



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One Hope United ramps up gift drive for as many as 10K kids around Tampa

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Toy drive for children in the Tampa area runs through Dec. 12.

A tradition is turning to the Tampa area that promises to deliver holiday joy to thousands of children and their families this year.

One Hope United is gearing up with its Holiday Hope Express to sweep through the region. The event run by the nonprofit organization will continue through Dec. 12 and seeks to provide a gift drive that will end up providing holiday tidings to as many as 10,000 children and families. One Hope United is a foster care and adoption services agency for the Tampa Bay area.

The Holiday Hope Express is largely a toy drive for children. But One Hope United officials try to encourage employers in the Tampa Bay area to organize their own drives in their workplace or community and then deliver the gifts that are raised to central donation points for One Hope United.

Local businesses can also make monetary donations. They or their employees can go online to make the funding gifts.

“Every toy makes a difference,” said Damon Cates, President and CEO of One Hope United. “The Holiday Hope Express is a way for our community to come together and brighten the holidays for children who need it most.”

One Hope United provides resource support for businesses wanting to establish their own internal drives they can contribute the nonprofit. The Holiday Hope Express website provides resource support links such as the “Hope Conductor Toolkit” that explains how each company can start their own campaign for a toy drive.

The nonprofit provides support for social media campaigns, gift lists and flyers for advertising among other support material. One Hope United also advises local companies to wrap up their drives by Dec. 5 and then the goods will be delivered to the nonprofit by Dec. 12. They recommend a shopping budget for each child to range from $25 to $50.

The deliveries to One Hope United will take place at 6800 North Dale Mabry Highway, Suite 164, in Tampa. The so-called “Santa’s Helper” will be Kirby Dameron who will coordinate the delivery of the donated toys from 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. Mondays through Thursdays.



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U.S. Embassy in Panama heaps praise on that country for recent cocaine bust

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U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration agents provided info to help in the bust that ended with the arrest of 10 people.

Panamanian Air and Naval Service (SENAN) personnel are getting praise from the U.S. Embassy to the nation for a substantial drug bust.

The U.S. Embassy to the Central American nation issued a statement complimenting the Panamanian government for a huge drug seizure. The SENAN personnel seized more than 13 metric tons of cocaine during an operation that ended with the interdiction on Nov. 9.

Those SENAN operatives intercepted a tug boat in the Archipelago of Las Perlas. U.S. law enforcement agents provided support in the operation by sharing intelligence to the Panamanian government to help them in the interdiction. When it was over, 10 suspects were arrested in the operation. Those individuals came from Colombia, Ecuador, Nicaragua and Venezuela.

“We commend the professionalism, bravery, and dedication of the Panamanian officers who made this operation possible,” said Kevin Marino Cabrera, U.S. Ambassador to Panama.  “Their decisive action delivers a major blow to the criminal networks that profit from narcotrafficking and endanger communities across our hemisphere.  Panama’s leadership and cooperation are essential to ensuring a safer and more secure region.”

U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) officials say the operation demonstrates the “seamless” collaboration between Panamanian law enforcement and U.S. agents. They estimate the operation amounts to 10% of the typical annual seizure by the U.S. and Panama in that country.

Embassy officials credited President Donald Trump’s administration for “defeating narcotrafficking networks in the Western Hemisphere.”

They also praised the partnerships such as the one with Panama for ensuring that criminal organizations are broken up.

“The United States remains steadfast in its commitment to supporting Panama’s efforts to strengthen security, uphold the rule of law and dismantle the networks that threaten both nations,” a news release said. “This operation sends a clear and powerful message: the U.S.-Panama partnership is strong, and together, we will continue working to ensure the safety and security of our people.”



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St. Petersburg will appraise Trop site after selecting proposal

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St. Petersburg will reappraise 86 acres of prime real estate, currently home to Tropicana Field, but not before selecting a new redevelopment proposal.

Some City Council members expressed dismay over the timeline on Thursday. The most recent valuation is over two years old, and Mayor Ken Welch announced plans to advance the proposal process in October.

Welch will delay the 30-day submission window’s launch until Jan. 4. However, in a memo sent to the Council on Wednesday, he doubled down on his decision not to reissue a formal request for proposals (RFP) – the genesis for the subsequent debate.

“To be really blunt, I think if we’re going to be serious about this, start counting votes now,” Council member Gina Driscoll said to the administration.

An aerial view of Ark Ellison Horus’ vision for the Historic Gas Plant District. Renderings provided.

“If I’m not comfortable with the process, I’m probably not going to be comfortable with the proposal that’s brought before us to vote on.”

She and multiple colleagues believe the city should have conducted a new appraisal in the time between the Tampa Bay Rays, now under new ownership, exiting a new stadium deal in March, and Welch’s Oct. 21 announcement that he would welcome additional proposals in mid-November.

Officials received an unsolicited $6.8 billion bid Oct. 3 from a group led by ARK Investment Management and Ellison Development. The city is acting pursuant to a state statute that mandates a 30-day window before selling property in a community redevelopment area (CRA).

Council member Lisset Hanewicz said an appraisal typically occurs before making a deal, “not after the fact.” City Development Administrator James Corbett noted that St. Petersburg spent two years negotiating redevelopment agreements with the Rays.

“I’m not going to wait for the appraisal until after we start negotiating a deal,” Corbett added. “It will be before that. I also want to time the appraisal where it’s not too dated.”

Council member Brandi Gabbard said several constituents have expressed concerns over the site’s unknown valuation. Ark Ellison Horus will pay the city “at least” $202 million for 94.5 acres.

The group believes its $2.1 million per-acre offer reflects the project’s “premier location and transformative potential.” The Rays planned to purchase 65 acres for $105 million – $1.6 million per acre – and offered $50 million in community benefits.

Gabbard is among those who want a formal RFP process and additional time. She also reminded her colleagues that they approved her Oct. 16 request for a Committee discussion on hiring the Urban Land Institute (ULI) to conduct an unbiased, professional study on the Gas Plant’s best uses.

Welch wrote that reissuing an RFP is neither necessary nor beneficial since the project’s 23 guiding principles, established in 2022 and “confirmed by subsequent community convenings,” remain unchanged. He also noted that developers previously had 60 days from the time of his announcement to submit proposals, and now have 105.

“I don’t understand this rush for a win right now,” Gabbard said.

The former Black community is home to Tropicana Field and a sea of surface parking lots. Image via Mark Parker.

Council member Mike Harting is “good” with not reissuing an RFP. He also credited Council member Richie Floyd for requesting additional time, and Welch for acquiescing.

Municipalities prioritize the “greater good” over profits, Harting continued, and the generational project will exponentially increase property tax collections. However, those benefits are hard to quantify.

“We’re not going to sell the property for what it’s valued at,” Harting said. “We’re going to sell it for less … And I get that, but I want to be comfortable with the logic … and what that looks like for the city.”

Council member Deborah Figgs-Sanders said she thinks about “that little girl whose church was totally destroyed” when the city displaced thousands of Black residents in the 1980s to build the stadium. She took issue with people who call the process rushed or believe officials should maximize their financial return.

“I can’t stand when people want to make decisions for other people like that – what’s best for other people?” Figgs-Sanders said. “I can’t place value on letting some of the descendants of the Gas Plant area finally see something done.”

She also questioned whether the ULI study would include locals who understand the area’s history and importance. No one understands the property’s worth better than the people who once called the Gas Plant home, Figgs-Sanders added.

Gabbard said the ULI group could include experts from throughout the region – the organization has a Tampa office – the state or beyond. Community partners would work with people who “understand very complex projects.”

Corbett said the city would launch its community benefits process once officials and the selected developer establish a term sheet. Welch wrote that jobs, housing, equitable economic development, resilience, green space and “meaningful recognition” of the Gas Plant community remain atop the priority list.

“The only material change from those principles is that the inclusion of a new stadium for the Tampa Rays, in partnership with Pinellas County, is no longer instrumental in planning the redevelopment,” states his memo. “Our unified work to include the Tampa Bay Rays in the long-term vision of the Historic Gas plant, and their subsequent abdication, have provided more clarity for our city and the property.”

Welch said he would no longer support offering Intown CRA tax-increment financing to help fund the project. “Any reconsideration by the new owners … regarding a future new stadium development would require other funding sources.”

Floyd withdrew his resolution that, if approved Thursday, would have urged Welch to launch a formal RFP and extend the submission deadline. However, he said it would be “harder” to approve a proposal while disagreeing with the process.

Ark Ellison Horus’ proposal would feature an elevated park that reconnects the Historic Gas Plant District and South St. Petersburg neighborhoods. Renderings provided.

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Mark Parker reports via St. Pete Catalyst; republished with permission.



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