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Democrats file bills to protect immigrants from notary fraud

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Three Democratic lawmakers hope to stop language gaps from enabling swindlers.

Sen. Tina Scott Polsky and Reps. Johanna López and Marie Woodson have filed twin bills (SB 846, HB 915) to prevent cases of notary fraud against immigrants who are trying to properly legalize their status.

Despite the legislation’s immigration focus, it’s hardly a partisan issue.

If passed, the measure would prohibit notaries from referring to themselves as a “notario,” “notario público,” immigration consultant or any other title suggesting that they possess professional legal skills in immigration law.

The measure would also require people or businesses to clearly notify customers that they are not licensed immigration law practitioners and provide prosecutors and victims of fraud legal paths to seek monetary damages against fraudsters.

The problem the legislation seeks to address stems from an unfortunate loss in translation.

In Hispanic countries, a “notario público” is a highly trained legal professional similar to a lawyer who provides legal advice and can draft legal documents, according to the National Notary Association.

But in the United States, a notary public is a state-commissioned official with narrow witnessing duties and far less discretion. In many cases, their authority begins and ends with signing a document stating they witnessed others signing it.

Naturally, this has led many Spanish speakers and those for whom English is either a second or foreign language to be misled into thinking they are dealing with legitimate legal experts. And some unscrupulous people have capitalized on the misunderstanding, accepting payment for services they are neither trained nor authorized to perform and then improperly handling and filing visas, green cards, work permits and citizenship applications.

Polsky, a Boca Raton lawyer, said the recent back-to-back Special Sessions on immigration show that it’s as much a front-and-center issue in the Sunshine State as it is federally, so her proposal should gain traction as lawmakers convene for Session next week.

“Due to the high priority this Legislature and (Gov. Ron DeSantis) placed on immigration, I hope that our legislation will be a priority … to address the ongoing issue of fraud and provide vital legal resources for our immigrant community,” she said in a statement.

“I look forward to working with my colleagues, community advocates, and legal experts to bring this bill to life and make Florida a safer place for all who call it home.”

Woodson, a public administrator from Hollywood who was born and spent her youth in Haiti, said that despite existing laws that regulate the legal profession, “notario fraud” remains a persistent problem in Florida.

“Many victims fearing retaliation or uncertain about their rights to not report these fraudulent practices, allowing bad actors to continue operating with impunity,” she said in a statement. “That is why our proposed legislation seeks to require cleaner disclosure requirements for non-attorneys offering immigration-related services.”

Several lawmakers have tried recently to address notary fraud. Last year, Hialeah Gardens Republican Sen. Bryan Ávila carried a proposal to stiffen penalties against wrongdoers while hiking record-keeping and recording strictures. The bill passed unanimously in the Senate before stalling out in the House, where Miami Republican Rep. Juan Porras carried a similar companion measure.

The legislation followed several notary-related fraud cases, including ones involving Miami’s then-City Attorney, a pair arrested in Monroe County on forgery charges and other, similar schemes across the state aimed at stealing homes from the elderly.

In December, the Orange-Osceola State Attorney’s Office dropped charges against former Rep. Carolina Amesty, a Republican notary public from Windermere, who had been accused of forging a form for a private school her father founded.

Amesty, who lost her re-election bid in November, consistently maintained her innocence.

The bills by Polsky, López and Woodson are narrower in scope than Ávila and Porras’ proposals. But their priorities — preventing fraud and punishing those who commit it — overlap.

López, an Orlando public relations and civic engagement specialist, said her legislation will help countless people.

“Florida is home to millions of immigrants who contribute to our economy, culture and communities,” she said. “They are business owners, teachers, healthcare workers, and neighbors who enrich the fabric of our state. Ensuring they have access to legitimate legal representation and protection from fraud is not just a moral imperative — it is a matter of public safety and economic stability.”

SB 846 and HB 915 await committee references. The 2025 Legislative Session begins March 4.


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Joe Gruters looks to strike ‘Gulf of Mexico’ from school materials

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One of President Donald Trump’s strongest allies in Tallahassee will carry a bill seeking to strike all references to the Gulf of Mexico from teaching materials

Sen. Joe Gruters’ legislation (SB 1058) would require School Boards to “adopt and acquire” materials using the Gulf of America name.

It would also name a highway after the freshly christened Gulf of America. The legislation would designate the portion of U.S. 41 between S.R. 60 and U.S. 1 in Miami-Dade, Collier, Lee, Charlotte, Sarasota, Manatee and Hillsborough counties as “the Gulf of America Trail.”

This is the second Senate bill to address the Gulf of America nomenclature.

Sen. Nick DiCeglie’s measure (SB 608), which was filed earlier this month, would change 92 statutory references in Florida law to refer to the body of water along Florida’s west coast as the Gulf of America.

Both bills have House companions.

Rep. Juan Porras is carrying the House version (HB 549) of Gruters’ bill. Rep. Tyler Sirois is sponsoring the House version (HB 575) of DiCeglie’s proposal.

Tallahassee Republicans have quickly embraced the new name for the body of water that was called the Gulf of Mexico without controversy until earlier this year.

Agriculture Commissioner Wilton Simpson is embracing the President’s preference regarding government documents, pushing for changes on behalf of the Florida Department of Agriculture and Consumer Services.

Simpson’s goal is to rename the body of water as the Gulf of America “as quickly as possible … in all department administrative rules, forms, maps, and resources.”

Gov. Ron DeSantis was the first state official to embrace the new name in an executive order declaring a State of Emergency over a Winter storm last month. That order said the inclement weather was headed to Florida across the “Gulf of America.”

The declaration came the same day Trump made the name change official in his own executive order.

Despite the unity demonstrated by Florida Republicans, the name change has been controversial in some quarters domestically and beyond.

The Associated Press hasn’t accepted the Gulf of America designation.

“The Gulf of Mexico has carried that name for more than 400 years. The Associated Press will refer to it by its original name while acknowledging the new name Trump has chosen. As a global news agency that disseminates news around the world, the AP must ensure that place names and geography are easily recognizable to all audiences,” the news organization announced last month.

The AP has not been allowed at certain White House events in the wake of its decision, as the Trump administration has stood by the renaming of the body of water.

Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum also rejects the name change, meanwhile, with her argument predicated on the United Nations’ Convention on the Law of the Sea.

“If a country wants to change the designation of something in the sea, it would only apply up to 12 nautical miles. It cannot apply to the rest, in this case, the Gulf of Mexico,” Sheinbaum said, as reported by NPR.


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Patients struggle with lack of consistent coverage for popular weight-loss drugs

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Supplies of high-demand obesity treatments are improving, but that doesn’t mean it’s easier to get them.

Many employers and insurers are scaling back coverage of Wegovy and Zepbound and a key government program, Medicare, doesn’t cover the drugs for obesity. Meanwhile, some big employers are adding coverage, but their commitment isn’t guaranteed.

Treatment prices that can top hundreds of dollars monthly even after discounts make it hard for many people to afford these drugs on their own. That can make the life-changing weight loss that patients seek dependent on the coverage they have and how long it lasts.

Coverage complications are not unusual in the U.S. health care system. But the challenge is magnified for these obesity treatments because a wide swath of the population could be eligible to take them, and patients have to stay on the drugs to keep the weight off.

“There are a lot of people right now who want access to the medication and can’t get it,” said Katherine Hempstead, a Robert Wood Johnson Foundation senior policy adviser.

Coverage varies depending on who pays the bill

Paul Mack dropped about 70 pounds after he started taking Wegovy. The Redwood City, California, resident said food noise — constant thoughts of eating — faded, and he was able to have a heart procedure.

The treatment was covered by California’s Medicaid program, Medi-Cal. Then the 50-year-old security guard got a raise. He no longer qualified for Medi-Cal and lost coverage of the drug for several months starting last summer.

He regained two pants sizes.

“I couldn’t control the eating,” he said. “All the noise came back.”

Coverage of these drugs remains patchy more than a year after Zepbound entered the market to challenge Wegovy.

The benefits consultant Mercer says 44% of U.S. companies with 500 or more employees covered obesity drugs last year. It’s even more common with bigger employers.

More than a dozen government-funded Medicaid programs for people with low incomes also cover obesity treatments.

But few insurers cover the drugs on individual insurance marketplaces. And some plans restrict their coverage with things like requests for prior authorization or pre-approval.

The lack of Medicare coverage remains a concern as well, especially for people who retire and move to the government-funded program from employer-sponsored coverage.

“Patients come to us terrified about switching to Medicare and losing coverage,” said Dr. Katherine Saunders, an obesity expert at Weill Cornell Medicine and cofounder of the obesity treatment company FlyteHealth. “We start talking about backup plans a year before they transition.”

Cost and uncertain payoff loom as concerns payer concerns

Philadelphia-area insurer Independence Blue Cross dropped coverage of the drugs solely for weight loss for some customers starting this year. Company officials say the insurer worried about premium hikes it would have to impose on all customers if it continued.

Cost also was a factor in decisions by West Virginia and North Carolina officials to end similar programs that provided coverage for state employees.

These concerns make Vanderbilt University researcher Stacie Dusetzina wonder how long employers who have added coverage will keep it, now that the drugs are no longer in short supply.

“That’s probably going to spike spending,” said Dusetzina, a health policy professor who studies drug costs.

Drugmakers tout the savings these drugs can provide by improving patient health and warding off future serious medical conditions like heart attacks or strokes.

But health care experts note that there are no guarantees that the employer or insurer who covers the drug will eventually reap those benefits because people may change jobs or insurers.

Will coverage ever become consistent?

There’s no clear path toward widespread coverage of these drugs for obesity, even as polls show Americans favor having Medicaid and Medicare cover the costs.

Leaders at Zepbound maker Eli Lilly have seen coverage grow steadily for their drug, and they’re optimistic that will continue.

Former President Joe Biden’s administration proposed a rule that would allow for Medicare and broader Medicaid coverage. Its fate remains uncertain in President Donald Trump’s administration.

A bill calling for Medicare coverage has been floating around Congress for years. But it isn’t scheduled for a vote.

Drugmakers are currently testing several additional obesity treatments. Such potential competition could reduce prices and prompt more coverage.

Patchy coverage complicates treatment plans

Dr. Amy Rothberg says the lack of consistent coverage leaves her conflicted about writing prescriptions because she’s not sure how long patients will be able to take the drug.

“We know from the studies that people go off these medications, they regain their weight,” said Rothberg, director of the University of Michigan’s weight-management program. “I don’t want to do harm.”

Some insurers require diet and exercise changes for the patient before they will cover a weight-loss medication. Those changes should happen in conjunction with starting the medicine, said Dr. Lydia Alexander, President of the Obesity Medicine Association.

She’s also seen requirements for a body mass index of 40 or more, which equates to severe obesity, before coverage can start.

“We’re saying that obesity is a disease, but we’re not treating it like a disease,” she said.

___

Republished with permission of The Associated Press.


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Jaguars getting closer to 2027 plan for ‘home’ games

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During Monday’s introduction of new Jaguars General Manager James Gladstone, team President Mark Lamping said the timeline for the Jaguars to finalize plans for the 2027 season is fast approaching.

In 2025, the Jaguars will play in EverBank Stadium as renovations continue outside the field. In 2026, stadium capacity will be reduced to around 43,500. The following year, the Jaguars will play home games in Orlando or Gainesville in addition to games in London.

“We’re probably within 30 to 45 days from submitting a report to the National Football League which will summarize our evaluation of all the alternatives,” Lamping said. “We’ll also include a recommendation. The league will receive that. They’ll study that. We’ll have a lot of back and forth.”

It is a rare, but not unprecedented situation for the league to consider. In 2002, the Chicago Bears played home games at the University of Illinois’ Memorial Stadium in Champaign while renovations took place at Soldier Field in Chicago.

In 1998, the Tennessee Titans (then, the Tennessee Oilers) played home games at Vanderbilt Stadium while a new stadium was being built.

The difference in the Jaguars’ situation will be their history of playing in London. It’s possible — even likely — that the Jaguars will play a pair of games in London in 2027, perhaps both “home” games.

Including preseason games, the Jaguars must find sites for 10 “home” games each year. One of the factors to be considered if Gainesville is selected for some of the games is the hotel situation. When the Florida Gators host visiting teams, the opponent usually stays in Ocala, about a 45-minute bus ride from Gainesville.

Orlando has a surplus of hotels that meet or exceed NFL standards.

“If we can get to a consensus, which I’m sure we’ll be able to do that, we’ll then go through the normal NFL approval process,” Lamping added Monday. “It would go to committee meetings in advance of, probably the May owners’ meeting, and then if things advance through the committee process, I think maybe by the May owners’ meeting, there may be something to consider.”

In addition to gaining approval from the league, three-quarters of the NFL owners would also have to approve of the plan.

For now, construction continues outside of EverBank Stadium.

“If you look outside, you’re going to see that there are some areas that are fenced off. There’s some deep pile work that’s going on there,” Lamping said. “You’ll see a crane that’s in the south end of the end zone. Work is going on. It commenced about 45 days ago. So far, no surprises, but a long, long way to go.”


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