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Current mortgage rates report for Aug. 29, 2025: Rates flicker slightly up after dip

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The average interest rate for a 30-year, fixed-rate conforming mortgage loan in the U.S. is 6.548%, according to data available from mortgage data company Optimal Blue. That’s up approximately 2 basis points from the prior day’s report, and down approximately 8 basis points from a week ago. Read on to compare average rates for a variety of conventional and government-backed mortgage types and see whether rates have increased or decreased.

Current mortgage rates data:

Note that Fortune reviewed Optimal Blue’s latest available data on Aug. 28, with the numbers reflecting home loans locked in as of Aug. 27. 

What’s happening with mortgage rates in today’s market?

If it feels as though 30-year mortgage rates have been stuck on the verge of 7% for an extended period, that’s not too far off. Many observers anticipated that rates would soften when the Federal Reserve started reducing the federal funds rate last September, but there was no sustained decrease in mortgage rates. There was a short-lived dip preceding the September Fed meeting, but rates rapidly climbed afterward.

By January 2025 the average rate on a 30-year, fixed-rate mortgage surpassed 7% for the first time since last May, as indicated by Freddie Mac data. That’s a big jump from the historic average low of 2.65% recorded in January 2021, when the government was still working to stimulate the economy and ward off a pandemic-induced economic downturn.

Absent another major crisis, experts agree we won’t have mortgage rates in the 2% to 3% range in our lifetimes. Nevertheless, rates around the 6% mark are entirely possible if the U.S. manages to tame inflation and lenders feel optimistic about the economic prospects.

In fact, rates had a modest decline at the end of February, dropping nearer to the 6.5% mark than had been seen for some time. There was even a brief point in early April where rates dipped below 6.5%, but they rose immediately afterward.

At present, with uncertainty as to the extent to which President Donald Trump will pursue policies such as tariffs and deportations, some observers worry the labor market could constrict and inflation could resurface. Against this backdrop, U.S. homebuyers face high mortgage rates—although some can still find options for making their purchase more manageable, like negotiating rate buydowns with a builder when purchasing newly constructed property.

How to get the best mortgage rate you can

While economic conditions are beyond your control, your financial profile as an applicant also has a substantial impact on the mortgage rate you’re offered. With that in mind, aim to do the following:

  • Make sure you have excellent credit. The minimum credit score for a conventional mortgage is generally 620 (for FHA loans, you may qualify with a score of 580 or a score as low as 500 with a 10% down payment). However, if you’re hoping to get a low rate that could potentially save you five or even six figures in interest over the life of your loan, you’ll want a score considerably higher. For instance, lender Blue Water Mortgage notes that a score of 740 or higher is considered top tier in the context of home loan applications.
  • Maintain a low debt-to-income (DTI) ratio. You can calculate your DTI by dividing your monthly debt payments by your gross monthly income, then multiplying by 100. For example, someone with a $3,000 monthly income and $750 in monthly debt payments has a 25% DTI. When applying for a mortgage, it’s typically best to have a DTI of 36% or below, though you may be approved with a DTI as high as 43%.
  • Get prequalified with multiple lenders. Consider trying a mix of large banks, local credit unions, and online lenders and compare offers. Additionally, connecting with loan officers at several different institutions can help you evaluate what you’re looking for in a lender and which one will best meet your needs. Just ensure that when you’re comparing rates, you’re doing so in a consistent way—if one estimate involves purchasing mortgage discount points and another doesn’t, it’s important to recognize there’s an upfront cost for buying down your rate with points.

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Mortgage interest rates historical chart

An important bit of context for the discussion about high mortgage rates is that today’s rates around 7% feel high because of the recent memory of rates between 2% and 3%. Those rates were possible due to unprecedented government action aimed at preventing recession as the country grappled with a global pandemic.

However, under more typical economic conditions, experts agree we’re unlikely to see such exceptionally low interest rates again. Historically, rates in the vicinity of 7% are not unusually high.

Consider this St. Louis Fed (FRED) chart tracking Freddie Mac data on the 30-year, fixed-rate mortgage average. From the 1970s through the 1990s, such rates were more or less the norm, with a significant spike in the early 1980s. In fact, September, October, and November of 1981 all saw mortgage interest rates exceeding 18%.

Nevertheless, this historical perspective offers little consolation to homeowners who may want to move but are locked in with a once-in-a-lifetime low interest rate. Such situations are common enough in the current market that low pandemic-era rates keeping homeowners from moving when they otherwise would have become known as the “golden handcuffs.”

Factors that impact mortgage interest rates

The U.S. economy may well be the single largest driver of mortgage rates. When lenders fear inflation, they can raise rates to protect their long-term profits.

Plus, the national debt is another significant factor. When the government has to borrow large sums to cover what it spends, that can drive interest rates higher.

Demand for home loans is key too. If few people are borrowing, lenders might lower rates to attract business. But if loans are in high demand, they might raise rates to cover their costs.

In addition, the Federal Reserve’s actions play a role. The Fed can sway rates for mortgages and other financial products by changing the federal funds rate and by managing its balance sheet.

The federal funds rate gets a lot of media attention. When it changes, mortgage rates often follow suit. But remember, the Fed doesn’t set mortgage rates directly, and they don’t always move in perfect sync with the fed funds rate.

Perhaps even more importantly, the Fed influences rates through its balance sheet. In tough times, it can buy assets like mortgage-backed securities (MBS) to boost the economy.

But recently, the Fed has been shrinking its balance sheet, choosing not to replace assets as they mature. This tends to push interest rates up. So while everyone focuses on cuts or hikes to the fed funds rate, what the central bank does with its balance sheet might be even more important for your mortgage rate.

Why it’s important to compare mortgage rates

Comparing rates on different types of loans and shopping around with various lenders are both essential steps in obtaining the best mortgage for your situation.

If your credit is excellent, opting for a conventional mortgage might be the ideal choice for you. However, if your score is below 600, an FHA loan may give you an opportunity that a conventional loan would not.

When it comes to exploring options with different banks, credit unions, and online lenders, it can make a significant difference in your overall costs. Freddie Mac research indicates that in a market with high interest rates, homebuyers may be able to save $600 to $1,200 annually if they apply with multiple mortgage lenders.



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Senate Dems’ plan to fix Obamacare premiums adds nearly $300 billion to deficit, CRFB says

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The Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget (CRFB) is a nonpartisan watchdog that regularly estimates how much the U.S. Congress is adding to the $38 trillion national debt.

With enhanced Affordable Care Act (ACA) subsidies due to expire within days, some Senate Democrats are scrambling to protect millions of Americans from getting the unpleasant holiday gift of spiking health insurance premiums. The CRFB says there’s just one problem with the plan: It’s not funded.

“With the national debt as large as the economy and interest payments costing $1 trillion annually, it is absurd to suggest adding hundreds of billions more to the debt,” CRFB President Maya MacGuineas wrote in a statement on Friday afternoon.

The proposal, backed by members of the Senate Democratic caucus, would fully extend the enhanced ACA subsidies for three years, from 2026 through 2028, with no additional income limits on who can qualify. Those subsidies, originally boosted during the pandemic and later renewed, were designed to lower premiums and prevent coverage losses for middle‑ and lower‑income households purchasing insurance on the ACA exchanges.

CRFB estimated that even this three‑year extension alone would add roughly $300 billion to federal deficits over the next decade, largely because the federal government would continue to shoulder a larger share of premium costs while enrollment and subsidy amounts remain elevated. If Congress ultimately moves to make the enhanced subsidies permanent—as many advocates have urged—the total cost could swell to nearly $550 billion in additional borrowing over the next decade.

Reversing recent guardrails

MacGuineas called the Senate bill “far worse than even a debt-financed extension” as it would roll back several “program integrity” measures that were enacted as part of a 2025 reconciliation law and were intended to tighten oversight of ACA subsidies. On top of that, it would be funded by borrowing even more. “This is a bad idea made worse,” MacGuineas added.

The watchdog group’s central critique is that the new Senate plan does not attempt to offset its costs through spending cuts or new revenue and, in their view, goes beyond a simple extension by expanding the underlying subsidy structure.

The legislation would permanently repeal restrictions that eliminated subsidies for certain groups enrolling during special enrollment periods and would scrap rules requiring full repayment of excess advance subsidies and stricter verification of eligibility and tax reconciliation. The bill would also nullify portions of a 2025 federal regulation that loosened limits on the actuarial value of exchange plans and altered how subsidies are calculated, effectively reshaping how generous plans can be and how federal support is determined. CRFB warned these reversals would increase costs further while weakening safeguards designed to reduce misuse and error in the subsidy system.

MacGuineas said that any subsidy extension should be paired with broader reforms to curb health spending and reduce overall borrowing. In her view, lawmakers are missing a chance to redesign ACA support in a way that lowers premiums while also improving the long‑term budget outlook.

The debate over ACA subsidies recently contributed to a government funding standoff, and CRFB argued that the new Senate bill reflects a political compromise that prioritizes short‑term relief over long‑term fiscal responsibility.

“After a pointless government shutdown over this issue, it is beyond disappointing that this is the preferred solution to such an important issue,” MacGuineas wrote.

The off-year elections cast the government shutdown and cost-of-living arguments in a different light. Democrats made stunning gains and almost flipped a deep-red district in Tennessee as politicians from the far left and center coalesced around “affordability.”

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer is reportedly smelling blood in the water and doubling down on the theme heading into the pivotal midterm elections of 2026. President Donald Trump is scheduled to visit Pennsylvania soon to discuss pocketbook anxieties. But he is repeating predecessor Joe Biden’s habit of dismissing inflation, despite widespread evidence to the contrary.

“We fixed inflation, and we fixed almost everything,” Trump said in a Tuesday cabinet meeting, in which he also dismissed affordability as a “hoax” pushed by Democrats.​

Lawmakers on both sides of the aisle now face a politically fraught choice: allow premiums to jump sharply—including in swing states like Pennsylvania where ACA enrollees face double‑digit increases—or pass an expensive subsidy extension that would, as CRFB calculates, explode the deficit without addressing underlying health care costs.



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Netflix–Warner Bros. deal sets up $72 billion antitrust test

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Netflix Inc. has won the heated takeover battle for Warner Bros. Discovery Inc. Now it must convince global antitrust regulators that the deal won’t give it an illegal advantage in the streaming market. 

The $72 billion tie-up joins the world’s dominant paid streaming service with one of Hollywood’s most iconic movie studios. It would reshape the market for online video content by combining the No. 1 streaming player with the No. 4 service HBO Max and its blockbuster hits such as Game Of ThronesFriends, and the DC Universe comics characters franchise.  

That could raise red flags for global antitrust regulators over concerns that Netflix would have too much control over the streaming market. The company faces a lengthy Justice Department review and a possible US lawsuit seeking to block the deal if it doesn’t adopt some remedies to get it cleared, analysts said.

“Netflix will have an uphill climb unless it agrees to divest HBO Max as well as additional behavioral commitments — particularly on licensing content,” said Bloomberg Intelligence analyst Jennifer Rie. “The streaming overlap is significant,” she added, saying the argument that “the market should be viewed more broadly is a tough one to win.”

By choosing Netflix, Warner Bros. has jilted another bidder, Paramount Skydance Corp., a move that risks touching off a political battle in Washington. Paramount is backed by the world’s second-richest man, Larry Ellison, and his son, David Ellison, and the company has touted their longstanding close ties to President Donald Trump. Their acquisition of Paramount, which closed in August, has won public praise from Trump. 

Comcast Corp. also made a bid for Warner Bros., looking to merge it with its NBCUniversal division.

The Justice Department’s antitrust division, which would review the transaction in the US, could argue that the deal is illegal on its face because the combined market share would put Netflix well over a 30% threshold.

The White House, the Justice Department and Comcast didn’t immediately respond to requests for comment. 

US lawmakers from both parties, including Republican Representative Darrell Issa and Democratic Senator Elizabeth Warren have already faulted the transaction — which would create a global streaming giant with 450 million users — as harmful to consumers.

“This deal looks like an anti-monopoly nightmare,” Warren said after the Netflix announcement. Utah Senator Mike Lee, a Republican, said in a social media post earlier this week that a Warner Bros.-Netflix tie-up would raise more serious competition questions “than any transaction I’ve seen in about a decade.”

European Union regulators are also likely to subject the Netflix proposal to an intensive review amid pressure from legislators. In the UK, the deal has already drawn scrutiny before the announcement, with House of Lords member Baroness Luciana Berger pressing the government on how the transaction would impact competition and consumer prices.

The combined company could raise prices and broadly impact “culture, film, cinemas and theater releases,”said Andreas Schwab, a leading member of the European Parliament on competition issues, after the announcement.

Paramount has sought to frame the Netflix deal as a non-starter. “The simple truth is that a deal with Netflix as the buyer likely will never close, due to antitrust and regulatory challenges in the United States and in most jurisdictions abroad,” Paramount’s antitrust lawyers wrote to their counterparts at Warner Bros. on Dec. 1.

Appealing directly to Trump could help Netflix avoid intense antitrust scrutiny, New Street Research’s Blair Levin wrote in a note on Friday. Levin said it’s possible that Trump could come to see the benefit of switching from a pro-Paramount position to a pro-Netflix position. “And if he does so, we believe the DOJ will follow suit,” Levin wrote.

Netflix co-Chief Executive Officer Ted Sarandos had dinner with Trump at the president’s Mar-a-Lago resort in Florida last December, a move other CEOs made after the election in order to win over the administration. In a call with investors Friday morning, Sarandos said that he’s “highly confident in the regulatory process,” contending the deal favors consumers, workers and innovation. 

“Our plans here are to work really closely with all the appropriate governments and regulators, but really confident that we’re going to get all the necessary approvals that we need,” he said.

Netflix will likely argue to regulators that other video services such as Google’s YouTube and ByteDance Ltd.’s TikTok should be included in any analysis of the market, which would dramatically shrink the company’s perceived dominance.

The US Federal Communications Commission, which regulates the transfer of broadcast-TV licenses, isn’t expected to play a role in the deal, as neither hold such licenses. Warner Bros. plans to spin off its cable TV division, which includes channels such as CNN, TBS and TNT, before the sale.

Even if antitrust reviews just focus on streaming, Netflix believes it will ultimately prevail, pointing to Amazon.com Inc.’s Prime and Walt Disney Co. as other major competitors, according to people familiar with the company’s thinking. 

Netflix is expected to argue that more than 75% of HBO Max subscribers already subscribe to Netflix, making them complementary offerings rather than competitors, said the people, who asked not to be named discussing confidential deliberations. The company is expected to make the case that reducing its content costs through owning Warner Bros., eliminating redundant back-end technology and bundling Netflix with Max will yield lower prices.



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The rise of AI reasoning models comes with a big energy tradeoff

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Nearly all leading artificial intelligence developers are focused on building AI models that mimic the way humans reason, but new research shows these cutting-edge systems can be far more energy intensive, adding to concerns about AI’s strain on power grids.

AI reasoning models used 30 times more power on average to respond to 1,000 written prompts than alternatives without this reasoning capability or which had it disabled, according to a study released Thursday. The work was carried out by the AI Energy Score project, led by Hugging Face research scientist Sasha Luccioni and Salesforce Inc. head of AI sustainability Boris Gamazaychikov.

The researchers evaluated 40 open, freely available AI models, including software from OpenAI, Alphabet Inc.’s Google and Microsoft Corp. Some models were found to have a much wider disparity in energy consumption, including one from Chinese upstart DeepSeek. A slimmed-down version of DeepSeek’s R1 model used just 50 watt hours to respond to the prompts when reasoning was turned off, or about as much power as is needed to run a 50 watt lightbulb for an hour. With the reasoning feature enabled, the same model required 7,626 watt hours to complete the tasks.

The soaring energy needs of AI have increasingly come under scrutiny. As tech companies race to build more and bigger data centers to support AI, industry watchers have raised concerns about straining power grids and raising energy costs for consumers. A Bloomberg investigation in September found that wholesale electricity prices rose as much as 267% over the past five years in areas near data centers. There are also environmental drawbacks, as Microsoft, Google and Amazon.com Inc. have previously acknowledged the data center buildout could complicate their long-term climate objectives

More than a year ago, OpenAI released its first reasoning model, called o1. Where its prior software replied almost instantly to queries, o1 spent more time computing an answer before responding. Many other AI companies have since released similar systems, with the goal of solving more complex multistep problems for fields like science, math and coding.

Though reasoning systems have quickly become the industry norm for carrying out more complicated tasks, there has been little research into their energy demands. Much of the increase in power consumption is due to reasoning models generating much more text when responding, the researchers said. 

The new report aims to better understand how AI energy needs are evolving, Luccioni said. She also hopes it helps people better understand that there are different types of AI models suited to different actions. Not every query requires tapping the most computationally intensive AI reasoning systems.

“We should be smarter about the way that we use AI,” Luccioni said. “Choosing the right model for the right task is important.”

To test the difference in power use, the researchers ran all the models on the same computer hardware. They used the same prompts for each, ranging from simple questions — such as asking which team won the Super Bowl in a particular year — to more complex math problems. They also used a software tool called CodeCarbon to track how much energy was being consumed in real time.

The results varied considerably. The researchers found one of Microsoft’s Phi 4 reasoning models used 9,462 watt hours with reasoning turned on, compared with about 18 watt hours with it off. OpenAI’s largest gpt-oss model, meanwhile, had a less stark difference. It used 8,504 watt hours with reasoning on the most computationally intensive “high” setting and 5,313 watt hours with the setting turned down to “low.” 

OpenAI, Microsoft, Google and DeepSeek did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Google released internal research in August that estimated the median text prompt for its Gemini AI service used 0.24 watt-hours of energy, roughly equal to watching TV for less than nine seconds. Google said that figure was “substantially lower than many public estimates.” 

Much of the discussion about AI power consumption has focused on large-scale facilities set up to train artificial intelligence systems. Increasingly, however, tech firms are shifting more resources to inference, or the process of running AI systems after they’ve been trained. The push toward reasoning models is a big piece of that as these systems are more reliant on inference.

Recently, some tech leaders have acknowledged that AI’s power draw needs to be reckoned with. Microsoft CEO Satya Nadella said the industry must earn the “social permission to consume energy” for AI data centers in a November interview. To do that, he argued tech must use AI to do good and foster broad economic growth.



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