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Colleges teach learning, but they’re not learning how to survive

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American higher education is in the business of knowledge.  But in a fast-moving economy, it is losing touch with the marketplace it is meant to serve.

Rising tuition, declining enrollment, and disappointing employment outcomes have led many to question whether college still delivers on its promise. Dozens of smaller institutions are shuttering or consolidating, caught between rising costs and weakening demand. These are not isolated failures. They are signals of a system in need of reinvention.

The real challenge, however, is not external. It is structural. If higher education is to remain viable in a competitive, post-industrial economy, it must shift from viewing itself as a self-contained enterprise to recognizing its role in the broader talent supply chain.

That shift requires more than programmatic tweaks. It requires a rethinking of priorities.

For much of the past century, colleges and universities have kept industry at arm’s length, operating on the premise that their purpose is to cultivate knowledge for its own sake. Theory was king. Practical application was often treated as peripheral, or worse, vocational. But the world has changed. And so have student expectations.

Today’s graduates face a job market that demands both agility and applied experience. Many are entering the workforce burdened with debt and without the tools to contribute from day one. Students and families are beginning to ask harder questions. Employers, too, are losing patience. We should not be surprised. Higher education is overdue for a course correction.

At many institutions, the idea of aligning more closely with industry is viewed with caution. Some see it as a dilution of academic purpose or a threat to faculty independence. Others simply fear change. But these objections miss the point.

Professional preparation does not have to come at the expense of intellectual rigor. In fact, the most effective workforce-ready graduates are those who can think critically, communicate effectively, and adapt to complexity. These are not soft skills. They are the very traits that rigorous academic study is designed to develop. What is missing is experience.

At Kettering University, where I am president, we have built a model that integrates traditional learning with deep, structured engagement in the workforce. Our cooperative program is not an add-on. It is the foundation of our model, and has been for more than a century. We do not view students as customers. We view them as emerging professionals. And we do not treat employers as donors. We treat them as partners.

Founded in 1919 as The School of Automobile Trades, Kettering became the Flint Institute of Technology before being acquired by General Motors in 1926 and renamed the General Motors Institute. For the next five decades, it served as GM’s primary talent engine, producing generations of engineering and management leaders through a deeply embedded co-op model. In 1945, we added a fifth-year universal thesis requirement, completing our evolution into a full degree-granting university. GM divested in 1982, and in 1998 we became Kettering University, named for Charles F. Kettering, head of GM Research and one of the earliest advocates for professional cooperative education. That legacy still defines us.

Today, every Kettering student alternates over a 4.5-year course of study between intensive 11-week academic terms and 11-week paid professional work placements. They graduate with two-and-a-half years of discipline-specific experience and often over $100,000 in earnings. We partner with more than 600 employers nationwide—including leading firms in mobility, aerospace, and autonomous systems—to deliver this model at scale. Each year, close to 100% of our graduates secure employment within a few months, often with their co-op employers and frequently in leadership-track roles. More than 1,500 alumni currently serve in executive positions across industries, including in the C-suites of Fortune 500 companies.

Kettering’s commitment to cooperative education is not just semantics. It is a shift in orientation. In our model, industry is the client. The student is the product. And our job is to develop that product with both intellectual depth and practical capability.

The most effective way to do that is through cooperative education: formal, mentored, compensated work placements embedded in the academic calendar. The concept is not new. It originated at the University of Cincinnati over a century ago and has been championed by institutions like Northeastern, Drexel, and Antioch. More recently, schools across the country have begun experimenting with summer internships and short-term placements to meet growing demand.

But not all co-op models are created equal. To be more than résumé lines, these programs must rest on a few core principles.

First, they must be integrated with academic content and tied to the student’s chosen field. Second, the work must be substantive and supervised, not clerical. Third, it must be paid, and the employer must be actively involved in shaping the experience. And fourth, there must be sufficient repetition to build mastery, not just exposure.

This edge isn’t gained at the expense of the liberal arts. Courses in philosophy, communication, ethics, economics, and history ground their professional preparation.

And as companies adopt AI broadly to automate more entry-level tasks, expectations for human contributors are rising. Employers now look for graduates who can step into complex, judgment-based roles immediately. The pressure on colleges to produce graduates who are truly ready will only intensify.

The stakes are real for the private sector. As industries face growing talent shortages, the disconnect between academic output and economic need is no longer just an educational issue. It is a national competitiveness issue. Recent federal initiatives, such as the CHIPS and Science Act and expanded NSF investments in STEM education, underscore how urgently national policymakers view the need to strengthen the talent pipeline.

Business leaders have a role to play here. By forming deeper partnerships with academic institutions, shaping co-op programs, investing in student mentorship, and supporting policies that incentivize applied learning, employers can help close the readiness gap. This is not charity. It is strategy.

The future of higher education will be defined by institutions that understand this shift and act on it. Those that remain tethered to legacy assumptions will continue to lose ground. Those that adapt will not only survive, they will produce graduates who are ready to lead.

We are educators. But we must also be learners. And right now, the lesson is clear: relevance is not inherited. It is earned.

The opinions expressed in Fortune.com commentary pieces are solely the views of their authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Fortune.



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SpaceX to offer insider shares at record-setting $800 billion valuation

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SpaceX is preparing to sell insider shares in a transaction that would value Elon Musk’s rocket and satellite maker at as much as $800 billion, people familiar with the matter said, reclaiming the title of the world’s most valuable private company. 

The details, discussed by SpaceX’s board of directors on Thursday at its Starbase hub in Texas, could change based on interest from insider sellers and buyers or other factors, said some of the people, who asked not to be identified as the information isn’t public. SpaceX is also exploring a possible initial public offering as soon as late next year, one of the people said. 

Another person briefed on the matter said that the price under discussion for the sale of some employees and investors’ shares is higher than $400 apiece, which would value SpaceX at between $750 billion and $800 billion. The company wouldn’t raise any funds though this planned sale, though a successful offering at such levels would catapult it past the record of $500 billion valuation achieved by OpenAI in October.

Elon Musk on Saturday denied that SpaceX is raising money at a $800 billion valuation without addressing Bloomberg’s reporting on the planned offering of insiders’ shares. 

“SpaceX has been cash flow positive for many years and does periodic stock buybacks twice a year to provide liquidity for employees and investors,” Musk said in a post on his social media platform X. 

The share sale price under discussion would be a substantial increase from the $212 a share set in July, when the company raised money and sold shares at a valuation of $400 billion. The Wall Street Journal and Financial Times earlier reported the $800 billion valuation target.

News of SpaceX’s valuation sent shares of EchoStar Corp., a satellite TV and wireless company, up as much as 18%. Last month, EchoStar had agreed to sell spectrum licenses to SpaceX for $2.6 billion, adding to an earlier agreement to sell about $17 billion in wireless spectrum to Musk’s company.

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The world’s most prolific rocket launcher, SpaceX dominates the space industry with its Falcon 9 rocket that lifts satellites and people to orbit.

SpaceX is also the industry leader in providing internet services from low-Earth orbit through Starlink, a system of more than 9,000 satellites that is far ahead of competitors including Amazon.com Inc.’s Amazon Leo.

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SpaceX is among an elite group of companies that have the ability to raise funds at $100 billion-plus valuations while delaying or denying they have any plan to go public. 

An IPO of the company at an $800 billion value would vault SpaceX into another rarefied group — the 20 largest public companies, a few notches below Musk’s Tesla Inc. 

If SpaceX sold 5% of the company at that valuation, it would have to sell $40 billion of stock — making it the biggest IPO of all time, well above Saudi Aramco’s $29 billion listing in 2019. The firm sold just 1.5% of the company in that offering, a much smaller slice than the majority of publicly traded firms make available.

A listing would also subject SpaceX to the volatility of being a public company, versus private firms whose valuations are closely guarded secrets. Space and defense company IPOs have had a mixed reception in 2025. Karman Holdings Inc.’s stock has nearly tripled since its debut, while Firefly Aerospace Inc. and Voyager Technologies Inc. have plunged by double-digit percentages since their debuts.

SpaceX executives have repeatedly floated the idea of spinning off SpaceX’s Starlink business into a separate, publicly traded company — a concept President Gwynne Shotwell first suggested in 2020. 

However, Musk cast doubt on the prospect publicly over the years and Chief Financial Officer Bret Johnsen said in 2024 that a Starlink IPO would be something that would take place more likely “in the years to come.”

The Information, citing people familiar with the discussions, separately reported on Friday that SpaceX has told investors and financial institution representatives that it’s aiming for an IPO of the entire company in the second half of next year.

Read More: How to Buy SpaceX: A Guide for the Eager, Pre-IPO

A so-called tender or secondary offering, through which employees and some early shareholders can sell shares, provides investors in closely held companies such as SpaceX a way to generate liquidity.

SpaceX is working to develop its new Starship vehicle, advertised as the most powerful rocket ever developed to loft huge numbers of Starlink satellites as well as carry cargo and people to moon and, eventually, Mars.



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National Park Service drops free admission on MLK Day and Juneteenth while adding Trump’s birthday

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The National Park Service will offer free admission to U.S. residents on President Donald Trump’s birthday next year — which also happens to be Flag Day — but is eliminating the benefit for Martin Luther King Jr. Day and Juneteenth.

The new list of free admission days for Americans is the latest example of the Trump administration downplaying America’s civil rights history while also promoting the president’s image, name and legacy.

Last year, the list of free days included Martin Luther King Jr Day and Juneteenth — which is June 19 — but not June 14, Trump’s birthday.

The new free-admission policy takes effect Jan. 1 and was one of several changes announced by the Park Service late last month, including higher admission fees for international visitors.

The other days of free park admission in 2026 are Presidents Day, Memorial Day, Independence Day, Constitution Day, Veterans Day, President Theodore Roosevelt’s birthday (Oct. 27) and the anniversary of the creation of the Park Service (Aug. 25).

Eliminating Martin Luther King Jr. Day and Juneteenth, which commemorates the day in 1865 when the last enslaved Americans were emancipated, removes two of the nation’s most prominent civil rights holidays.

Some civil rights leaders voiced opposition to the change after news about it began spreading over the weekend.

“The raw & rank racism here stinks to high heaven,” Harvard Kennedy School professor Cornell William Brooks, a former president of the NAACP, wrote on social media about the new policy.

Kristen Brengel, a spokesperson for the National Parks Conservation Association, said that while presidential administrations have tweaked the free days in the past, the elimination of Martin Luther King Jr. Day is particularly concerning. For one, the day has become a popular day of service for community groups that use the free day to perform volunteer projects at parks.

That will now be much more expensive, said Brengel, whose organization is a nonprofit that advocates for the park system.

“Not only does it recognize an American hero, it’s also a day when people go into parks to clean them up,” Brengel said. “Martin Luther King Jr. deserves a day of recognition … For some reason, Black history has repeatedly been targeted by this administration, and it shouldn’t be.”

Some Democratic lawmakers also weighed in to object to the new policy.

“The President didn’t just add his own birthday to the list, he removed both of these holidays that mark Black Americans’ struggle for civil rights and freedom,” said Democratic Sen. Catherine Cortez Masto of Nevada. “Our country deserves better.”

A spokesperson for the National Park Service did not immediately respond to questions on Saturday seeking information about the reasons behind the changes.

Since taking office, Trump has sought to eliminate programs seen as promoting diversity across the federal government, actions that have erased or downplayed America’s history of racism as well as the civil rights victories of Black Americans.

Self-promotion is an old habit of the president’s and one he has continued in his second term. He unsuccessfully put himself forwardfor the Nobel Peace Prize, renamed the U.S. Institute of Peace after himself, sought to put his name on the planned NFL stadium in the nation’s capital and had a new children’s savings program named after him.

Some Republican lawmakers have suggested putting his visage on Mount Rushmore and the $100 bill.



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JPMorgan CEO Jamie Dimon says Europe has a ‘real problem’

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JPMorgan Chase & Co. Chief Executive Officer Jamie Dimon called out slow bureaucracy in Europe in a warning that a “weak” continent poses a major economic risk to the US.

“Europe has a real problem,” Dimon said Saturday at the Reagan National Defense Forum. “They do some wonderful things on their safety nets. But they’ve driven business out, they’ve driven investment out, they’ve driven innovation out. It’s kind of coming back.”

While he praised some European leaders who he said were aware of the issues, he cautioned politics is “really hard.” 

Dimon, leader of the biggest US bank, has long said that the risk of a fragmented Europe is among the major challenges facing the world. In his letter to shareholders released earlier this year, he said that Europe has “some serious issues to fix.”

On Saturday, he praised the creation of the euro and Europe’s push for peace. But he warned that a reduction in military efforts and challenges trying to reach agreement within the European Union are threatening the continent.

“If they fragment, then you can say that America first will not be around anymore,” Dimon said. “It will hurt us more than anybody else because they are a major ally in every single way, including common values, which are really important.”

He said the US should help.

“We need a long-term strategy to help them become strong,” Dimon said. “A weak Europe is bad for us.”

The administration of President Donald Trump issued a new national security strategy that directed US interests toward the Western Hemisphere and protection of the homeland while dismissing Europe as a continent headed toward “civilizational erasure.”

Read More: Trump’s National Security Strategy Veers Inward in Telling Shift

JPMorgan has been ramping up its push to spur more investments in the national defense sector. In October, the bank announced that it would funnel $1.5 trillion into industries that bolster US economic security and resiliency over the next 10 years — as much as $500 billion more than what it would’ve provided anyway. 

Dimon said in the statement that it’s “painfully clear that the United States has allowed itself to become too reliant on unreliable sources of critical minerals, products and manufacturing.”

Investment banker Jay Horine oversees the effort, which Dimon called “100% commercial.” It will focus on four areas: supply chain and advanced manufacturing; defense and aerospace; energy independence and resilience; and frontier and strategic technologies. 

The bank will also invest as much as $10 billion of its own capital to help certain companies expand, innovate or accelerate strategic manufacturing.

Separately on Saturday, Dimon praised Trump for finding ways to roll back bureaucracy in the government.

“There is no question that this administration is trying to bring an axe to some of the bureaucracy that held back America,” Dimon said. “That is a good thing and we can do it and still keep the world safe, for safe food and safe banks and all the stuff like that.”



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