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The $38 trillion national debt ‘milestone’ and the accounting mirage

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As the United States’ gross national debt recently surged past the $38 trillion mark, commentators hastened to ring alarm bells. And surely the figure is eye-popping. But as someone who was elected to the U.S. Congress in 1984 on the very platform of fiscal responsibility—and who was the first practicing CPA ever elected to Congress—I want to sound a more fundamental warning: the number may be much less meaningful than meets the eye. We will never truly know what the national debt really is, or tackle it effectively, unless we adopt full-GAAP accounting at the federal level.

An old warning grows more urgent

When I ran for Congress, it was nearly a long-shot race. No one expected the first practicing CPA to win, but I did—and I did so on the idea that the national books of the U.S. government were not being kept in a transparent, modern accounting framework. I argued then—just as I argue now—that unless we apply Generally Accepted Accounting Principles (GAAP), we are flying blind.

That same conviction led me to author the Chief Financial Officers (CFO) Act of 1990, which President George H. W. Bush signed into law. The Act was meant to bring professional accounting, auditing, and financial reporting standards—based on GAAP—into every major federal agency. Unfortunately, more than three decades later, its full promise has yet to be realized. Much like our incomplete debt accounting, the CFO Act itself remains only partially implemented, and until it is fully carried out, Congress and the public still lack a reliable picture of our government’s true fiscal condition.

Today, with the $38 trillion+ figure being splashed across headlines, my long-before-made argument—and the very purpose of the CFO Act—become even more valid.

What the headlines get right—and what they miss

The Treasury is reporting that federal debt outstanding has passed $38 trillion. That is a factual, albeit headline-worthy stimulus to public concern. But what gets far less attention is the underlying accounting architecture.

The current federal “debt” figure is almost entirely a cash/modified cash-basis number. It doesn’t fully reflect many longer-term liabilities (pensions, retiree health benefits, unfunded mandates) in the same way that a GAAP-prepared corporation or a sound provincial or state government would present.

There is virtually no requirement at the federal level for the government to produce a comprehensive accrual-based balance sheet that shows all assets, all liabilities, and the resulting net position (equity).

Without that, every “$38 trillion” number is more of an approximation—a rolling sum of borrowed securities plus intragovernmental holdings—than a meaningful “what we owe net of what we own” statement.

And this accounting deficiency imposes two major dangers:

  1. Illusion of precision: The public and policymakers behave as though the $38 trillion is a precise, well-measured figure, when in fact large portions of federal obligations are off-balance or hidden in footnotes or trust funds that lack the same transparency.
  2. Inadequate policy response: If you don’t know what truly you owe (and what you own), how can you craft a credible strategy to pay it down or manage it? Without full GAAP reporting, you risk tackling only the visible tip of the iceberg while ignoring the unseen bulk.

GAAP: The missing link in federal fiscal housekeeping

When I stood in Congress as a CPA, one of my first priorities was to push for stronger bookkeeping and financial reporting of the federal government. Think about what GAAP would require: A full balance sheet, listing all assets and all liabilities—including pensions, retiree benefits, contingent liabilities, environmental obligations, etc.; An income (or change in net position) statement, showing revenues, expenses (including non-cash), and how net position changes year to year; Transparent disclosures and footnotes so that any user can see assumptions, commitments, risks, and deferred items; Comparative years, reconciliations, and audit opinions (ideally by an independent auditor).

Under GAAP, the U.S. government would no longer simply say “we borrowed $X” and “our debt outstanding is $Y.” We would know “we hold assets worth A, liabilities of L, net position (equity) of E, and here’s the trend.” We would know where the real pressure points lie.

Why the risk is now magnified

With the debt ballooning past $38 trillion and climbing faster than ever, the cost of ignorance grows. The more we delay adopting proper accounting, the greater the risk that hidden liabilities explode, interest costs soar, and the real solvency picture is obscured. Some elements to highlight:

Interest on the debt is already consuming ever-more of federal budget space. If you don’t know the full scope of what you owe, you can’t credibly model how rising rates or slower growth will affect sustainability.

Demographic and program pressures (Social Security, Medicare, veterans’ benefits) will drive longer-term liabilities. Without full accrual accounting, those remain partly hidden.

Policy decisions (tax cuts, spending commitments, new entitlement expansions) are made on the basis of incomplete pictures. If you don’t know the real base, you cannot assess new incremental risk properly.

The path forward—what should happen

Here’s what I believe must be done—based on the CPA discipline that first took me into Congress:

  • Mandate full accrual GAAP accounting by the federal government — not just operating results, but a full balance sheet, net position disclosures, and audited financial statements.
  • Fully implement the CFO Act of 1990 — ensure every agency and department prepares and publishes GAAP-based audited financial statements, with consistent standards and accountability for compliance.
  • Transparent fiduciary-style reports for major trust funds — show the full actuarial liabilities for retiree benefits, pensions, health plans, etc.
  • Integrate macro policy with financial reporting — require that major legislation (tax cuts, program expansions) reference the impact on net position and full accounting—not just budget-year appropriation.
  • Educate and engage the public about the true “net debt” number — the public should not be seduced by gross debt headlines alone; they should see net assets vs. net liabilities, trend lines, risk exposures.

Why it matters—and why it’s urgent

As I have long argued, dealing with national debt isn’t simply a matter of “let’s cut spending or raise taxes.” It is fundamentally about being honest with ourselves as a country about our financial condition. When a business fails to adopt GAAP, investors lose confidence; when governments ignore accrual accounting, hidden risks can build until they snap.

Now that the debt has breached $38 trillion, the urgency is higher than ever. This moment is not just another round of alarming numbers—it is a warning signal that we are operating without full transparency, without a full balance sheet, without the discipline that any credible organization uses.

Final word

When I ran for Congress, many said my position was academic—but the truth was, I was applying the CPA discipline to public finance. I said that our greatest long-term threat wasn’t foreign—it was fiscal. The fact that we are now facing unprecedented federal debts makes that approach not just relevant—it is indispensable.

Until the U.S. government commits to full GAAP accounting and fully implements the CFO Act that I authored, the “national debt” will remain a headline—dangerously approximate, partially hidden—and our ability to legitimately tackle it will be constrained. The people deserve better. The future demands clarity.

The opinions expressed in Fortune.com commentary pieces are solely the views of their authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Fortune.



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Mark Zuckerberg says the ‘most important thing’ he built at Harvard was a prank website

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For Mark Zuckerberg, the most significant creation from his two years at Harvard University wasn’t the precursor to a global social network, but a prank website that nearly got him expelled.

The Meta CEO said in a 2017 commencement address at his alma mater that the controversial site, Facemash, was “the most important thing I built in my time here” for one simple reason: it led him to his wife, Priscilla Chan.

“Without Facemash I wouldn’t have met Priscilla, and she’s the most important person in my life,” Zuckerberg said during the speech.

In 2003, Zuckerberg, then a sophomore, created Facemash by hacking into Harvard’s online student directories and using the photos to create a site where users could rank students’ attractiveness. The site went viral, but it was quickly shut down by the university. Zuckerberg was called before Harvard’s Administrative Board, facing accusations of breaching security, violating copyrights, and infringing on individual privacy.

“Everyone thought I was going to get kicked out,” Zuckerberg recalled in his speech. “My parents came to help me pack. My friends threw me a going-away party.”

It was at this party, thrown by friends who believed his expulsion was imminent, where he met Chan, another Harvard undergraduate. “We met in line for the bathroom in the Pfoho Belltower, and in what must be one of the all time romantic lines, I said: ‘I’m going to get kicked out in three days, so we need to go on a date quickly,’” Zuckerberg said.

Chan, who described her now-husband to The New Yorker as “this nerdy guy who was just a little bit out there,” went on the date with him. Zuckerberg did not get expelled from Harvard after all, but he did famously drop out the following year to focus on building Facebook.

While the 2010 film The Social Network portrayed Facemash as a critical stepping stone to the creation of Facebook, Zuckerberg himself has downplayed its technical or conceptual importance.

“And, you know, that movie made it seem like Facemash was so important to creating Facebook. It wasn’t,” he said during his commencement speech. But he did confirm that the series of events it set in motion—the administrative hearing, the “going-away” party, the line for the bathroom—ultimately connected him with the mother of his three children.

Chan, for her part, went on to graduate from Harvard in 2007, taught science, and then attended medical school at the University of California, San Francisco, becoming a pediatrician.

She and Zuckerberg got married in 2012, and in 2015, they co-founded the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative, a philanthropic organization focused on leveraging technology to address major world challenges in health, education, and science. Chan serves as co-CEO of the initiative, which has pledged to give away 99% of the couple’s shares in Meta Platforms to fund its work.

You can watch the entirety of Zuckerberg’s Harvard commencement speech below:

For this story, Fortune journalists used generative AI as a research tool. An editor verified the accuracy of the information before publishing. 



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Senate Dems’ plan to fix Obamacare premiums adds nearly $300 billion to deficit, CRFB says

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The Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget (CRFB) is a nonpartisan watchdog that regularly estimates how much the U.S. Congress is adding to the $38 trillion national debt.

With enhanced Affordable Care Act (ACA) subsidies due to expire within days, some Senate Democrats are scrambling to protect millions of Americans from getting the unpleasant holiday gift of spiking health insurance premiums. The CRFB says there’s just one problem with the plan: It’s not funded.

“With the national debt as large as the economy and interest payments costing $1 trillion annually, it is absurd to suggest adding hundreds of billions more to the debt,” CRFB President Maya MacGuineas wrote in a statement on Friday afternoon.

The proposal, backed by members of the Senate Democratic caucus, would fully extend the enhanced ACA subsidies for three years, from 2026 through 2028, with no additional income limits on who can qualify. Those subsidies, originally boosted during the pandemic and later renewed, were designed to lower premiums and prevent coverage losses for middle‑ and lower‑income households purchasing insurance on the ACA exchanges.

CRFB estimated that even this three‑year extension alone would add roughly $300 billion to federal deficits over the next decade, largely because the federal government would continue to shoulder a larger share of premium costs while enrollment and subsidy amounts remain elevated. If Congress ultimately moves to make the enhanced subsidies permanent—as many advocates have urged—the total cost could swell to nearly $550 billion in additional borrowing over the next decade.

Reversing recent guardrails

MacGuineas called the Senate bill “far worse than even a debt-financed extension” as it would roll back several “program integrity” measures that were enacted as part of a 2025 reconciliation law and were intended to tighten oversight of ACA subsidies. On top of that, it would be funded by borrowing even more. “This is a bad idea made worse,” MacGuineas added.

The watchdog group’s central critique is that the new Senate plan does not attempt to offset its costs through spending cuts or new revenue and, in their view, goes beyond a simple extension by expanding the underlying subsidy structure.

The legislation would permanently repeal restrictions that eliminated subsidies for certain groups enrolling during special enrollment periods and would scrap rules requiring full repayment of excess advance subsidies and stricter verification of eligibility and tax reconciliation. The bill would also nullify portions of a 2025 federal regulation that loosened limits on the actuarial value of exchange plans and altered how subsidies are calculated, effectively reshaping how generous plans can be and how federal support is determined. CRFB warned these reversals would increase costs further while weakening safeguards designed to reduce misuse and error in the subsidy system.

MacGuineas said that any subsidy extension should be paired with broader reforms to curb health spending and reduce overall borrowing. In her view, lawmakers are missing a chance to redesign ACA support in a way that lowers premiums while also improving the long‑term budget outlook.

The debate over ACA subsidies recently contributed to a government funding standoff, and CRFB argued that the new Senate bill reflects a political compromise that prioritizes short‑term relief over long‑term fiscal responsibility.

“After a pointless government shutdown over this issue, it is beyond disappointing that this is the preferred solution to such an important issue,” MacGuineas wrote.

The off-year elections cast the government shutdown and cost-of-living arguments in a different light. Democrats made stunning gains and almost flipped a deep-red district in Tennessee as politicians from the far left and center coalesced around “affordability.”

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer is reportedly smelling blood in the water and doubling down on the theme heading into the pivotal midterm elections of 2026. President Donald Trump is scheduled to visit Pennsylvania soon to discuss pocketbook anxieties. But he is repeating predecessor Joe Biden’s habit of dismissing inflation, despite widespread evidence to the contrary.

“We fixed inflation, and we fixed almost everything,” Trump said in a Tuesday cabinet meeting, in which he also dismissed affordability as a “hoax” pushed by Democrats.​

Lawmakers on both sides of the aisle now face a politically fraught choice: allow premiums to jump sharply—including in swing states like Pennsylvania where ACA enrollees face double‑digit increases—or pass an expensive subsidy extension that would, as CRFB calculates, explode the deficit without addressing underlying health care costs.



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Netflix–Warner Bros. deal sets up $72 billion antitrust test

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Netflix Inc. has won the heated takeover battle for Warner Bros. Discovery Inc. Now it must convince global antitrust regulators that the deal won’t give it an illegal advantage in the streaming market. 

The $72 billion tie-up joins the world’s dominant paid streaming service with one of Hollywood’s most iconic movie studios. It would reshape the market for online video content by combining the No. 1 streaming player with the No. 4 service HBO Max and its blockbuster hits such as Game Of ThronesFriends, and the DC Universe comics characters franchise.  

That could raise red flags for global antitrust regulators over concerns that Netflix would have too much control over the streaming market. The company faces a lengthy Justice Department review and a possible US lawsuit seeking to block the deal if it doesn’t adopt some remedies to get it cleared, analysts said.

“Netflix will have an uphill climb unless it agrees to divest HBO Max as well as additional behavioral commitments — particularly on licensing content,” said Bloomberg Intelligence analyst Jennifer Rie. “The streaming overlap is significant,” she added, saying the argument that “the market should be viewed more broadly is a tough one to win.”

By choosing Netflix, Warner Bros. has jilted another bidder, Paramount Skydance Corp., a move that risks touching off a political battle in Washington. Paramount is backed by the world’s second-richest man, Larry Ellison, and his son, David Ellison, and the company has touted their longstanding close ties to President Donald Trump. Their acquisition of Paramount, which closed in August, has won public praise from Trump. 

Comcast Corp. also made a bid for Warner Bros., looking to merge it with its NBCUniversal division.

The Justice Department’s antitrust division, which would review the transaction in the US, could argue that the deal is illegal on its face because the combined market share would put Netflix well over a 30% threshold.

The White House, the Justice Department and Comcast didn’t immediately respond to requests for comment. 

US lawmakers from both parties, including Republican Representative Darrell Issa and Democratic Senator Elizabeth Warren have already faulted the transaction — which would create a global streaming giant with 450 million users — as harmful to consumers.

“This deal looks like an anti-monopoly nightmare,” Warren said after the Netflix announcement. Utah Senator Mike Lee, a Republican, said in a social media post earlier this week that a Warner Bros.-Netflix tie-up would raise more serious competition questions “than any transaction I’ve seen in about a decade.”

European Union regulators are also likely to subject the Netflix proposal to an intensive review amid pressure from legislators. In the UK, the deal has already drawn scrutiny before the announcement, with House of Lords member Baroness Luciana Berger pressing the government on how the transaction would impact competition and consumer prices.

The combined company could raise prices and broadly impact “culture, film, cinemas and theater releases,”said Andreas Schwab, a leading member of the European Parliament on competition issues, after the announcement.

Paramount has sought to frame the Netflix deal as a non-starter. “The simple truth is that a deal with Netflix as the buyer likely will never close, due to antitrust and regulatory challenges in the United States and in most jurisdictions abroad,” Paramount’s antitrust lawyers wrote to their counterparts at Warner Bros. on Dec. 1.

Appealing directly to Trump could help Netflix avoid intense antitrust scrutiny, New Street Research’s Blair Levin wrote in a note on Friday. Levin said it’s possible that Trump could come to see the benefit of switching from a pro-Paramount position to a pro-Netflix position. “And if he does so, we believe the DOJ will follow suit,” Levin wrote.

Netflix co-Chief Executive Officer Ted Sarandos had dinner with Trump at the president’s Mar-a-Lago resort in Florida last December, a move other CEOs made after the election in order to win over the administration. In a call with investors Friday morning, Sarandos said that he’s “highly confident in the regulatory process,” contending the deal favors consumers, workers and innovation. 

“Our plans here are to work really closely with all the appropriate governments and regulators, but really confident that we’re going to get all the necessary approvals that we need,” he said.

Netflix will likely argue to regulators that other video services such as Google’s YouTube and ByteDance Ltd.’s TikTok should be included in any analysis of the market, which would dramatically shrink the company’s perceived dominance.

The US Federal Communications Commission, which regulates the transfer of broadcast-TV licenses, isn’t expected to play a role in the deal, as neither hold such licenses. Warner Bros. plans to spin off its cable TV division, which includes channels such as CNN, TBS and TNT, before the sale.

Even if antitrust reviews just focus on streaming, Netflix believes it will ultimately prevail, pointing to Amazon.com Inc.’s Prime and Walt Disney Co. as other major competitors, according to people familiar with the company’s thinking. 

Netflix is expected to argue that more than 75% of HBO Max subscribers already subscribe to Netflix, making them complementary offerings rather than competitors, said the people, who asked not to be named discussing confidential deliberations. The company is expected to make the case that reducing its content costs through owning Warner Bros., eliminating redundant back-end technology and bundling Netflix with Max will yield lower prices.



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