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‘The Bermuda Triangle of Talent’: 27-year-old Oxford grad turned down McKinsey and Morgan Stanley to find out why Gen Z’s smartest keep selling out

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The vice-chancellor stood at the podium in Oxford’s Sheldonian Theatre, her voice echoing against the carved ceiling: Now go out there and change the world. Robes rustled. Cameras clicked. Rows of classmates smiled, clutching degrees that would soon deliver them to McKinsey, Goldman Sachs, and Clifford Chance: the holy trinity of elite exit plans.

Simon van Teutem clapped, too, but for him, the irony was unbearable.

“I knew where everyone was going,” he said in an interview with Fortune. “Everyone did. Which made it worse — we were all pretending not to see it.”

Career paths for the elite have indeed consolidated over the last half-century. In the 1970s, one in twenty Harvard graduates went into careers of the likes of finance or consulting. Twenty years later, that jumped to one in four. Last year, half of Harvard graduates took jobs in finance, consulting or Big Tech. Salaries have similarly soared: data from the senior exit survey for the Class of 2024 shows 40% of employed graduates accepted first-year salaries exceeding US $110,000, and among those entering consulting or investment banking nearly three-quarters crossed that threshold.

Months after that ceremony, van Teutem received two of those kinds of offers: a job at McKinsey or Morgan Stanley. Instead, at 22, he turned both down and spent three years working with Dutch news outlet De Correspondent writing a book about the subtle gravitational pull that makes such decisions feel inevitable.

Van Teutem took on the project after watching the prestige treadmill siphon talented, creative kids into trivial work—and then close the door behind them. Everyone always says they’re just doing their banking job just to get their foot in the door, he noted, but they always end up staying. 

“These firms cracked the psychological code of the insecure overachiever,” Van Teutem said, “and then built a self-reinforcing system.”

The Bermuda Triangle of Talent

The book,, The Bermuda Triangle of Talent, grew out of personal frustration. A longtime nerd who was fascinated by economics and politics, he had arrived at Oxford as an undergraduate in 2018 determined, in his words, “to do something good with my talents and privileges.”

Within two years, he was interning at BNP Paribas and then Morgan Stanley, falling asleep at his desk working on mergers and acquisitions with the intensity of “saving babies from a burning house.”

His discomfort wasn’t with the work itself — he isn’t one of the Gen-Zers who thinks all corporations are “evil,” he insisted. “I just thought that the work was fairly trivial or mundane.” ​​

At McKinsey, where he interned next, the work seemed more polished but no less hollow. 

“I was surrounded by rocket scientists who could build really cool stuff,” he said, “but they were just building simple Excel models or reverse-engineering toward conclusions we already wanted.”

He declined the full-time offers and instead began interviewing the people who hadn’t. Over three years, he spoke with 212 bankers, consultants, and corporate lawyers—from interns to partners—to understand how so many high-achieving graduates drift into jobs they privately despise. The damage, he concluded, wasn’t villainy, or even greed, but lost potential: “The real harm is in the opportunity cost.”

Money, he found, wasn’t the magnet, at least not at first.

“In the initial pull, most elite graduates don’t decide based on salary,” he said. “It’s the illusion of infinite choice, and the social status.”

At Oxford, that illusion was everywhere. Banks and consultancies dominated career fairs; governments and NGOs appeared as afterthoughts. He remembers his first brush with the system: BNP Paribas hosting a dinner at a fine restaurant in Oxford for “top students.” He applied because he was broke and wanted a free meal—and ended up interning there.

“It’s a game we’re trained to play,” he said. “You’re hardwired that way. You’re always looking for the next level, the Harvard after Harvard, the Oxford after Oxford.”

By the time many graduates realize that there is no gold star at the end – that the next level is simply higher pay and a longer slide deck—it’s already too late. Most people believe they can leave the corporate world after two or three years to follow their dreams, but very few actually do.

“At least I can buy my children a house”

​​He tells the story of “Hunter McCoy,” a pseudonym for a man who once wanted to work in politics or at a think tank, to illustrate the point. McCoy imagined a future career in advocacy. Fresh out of university, McCoy joined a white-shoe law firm and told himself he’d stay two, maybe three years, just long enough to pay off his student loans. He even had a name for the finish line: his “f–k you number.” That was the sum that would buy him freedom to pursue policy work.

But freedom, it turned out, was a moving target. Living in an expensive city, surrounded by colleagues who billed a hundred hours a week and ordered cabs home at midnight, McCoy was always the poorest man in the room. Each bonus, each new title, pushed his number a little higher. 

The trap tightened slowly. First came the mortgage, then the renovations, then the quiet creep of what has been called “lifestyle inflation.” You buy a nice apartment, you want a good kitchen. If you buy the kitchen, you want the knife set that goes with it. Every new comfort demanded another upgrade, another late night at the office to keep it all intact. 

“High income stimulates high expenses,” van Teutem said. “And high expenses breed more high expenses.”

By his mid-forties, McCoy was still in the same firm, still telling himself he would leave soon. But the years had calcified into guilt. 

“Because I never saw my children, because I was always working so hard, I told myself no, I want to continue for a few more years,” McCoy told van Teutem. “Because then at least I can buy my children a house in return for me missing out on so much.”

The saddest part, he said, was McCoy’s uncertainty about what would remain if he ever walked away.

“He told me he wasn’t sure his wife would stay with him,” van Teutem said quietly. “This was the life she’d signed up for.”

The confession struck him as both raw and deeply tragic, a glimpse of how ambition hardens into captivity.

“It made me happy I didn’t go into it,” he said. “Because you think you can trust yourself with these decisions. But you may not be the same person three years later.”

The long shadow of Reagan, Thatcher, and the Big Three

What van Teutem describes, however, is part of a systemwide phenomenon that’s been decades in the making.

That explosive growth of what researchers call “career funneling,” where students narrow down only two or three industries that are socially deemed prestigious enough to work in, runs in tandem with the financialization and deregulation turn Western economies took in the second half of the 20th century. The neoliberal revolution, driven by former President Ronald Reagan in the United States and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in the United Kingdom, expanded capital markets enough to create whole new industries out of manipulating financial instruments; thus, exploding the finance industry.  At the same time, governments and corporations began outsourcing expertise to private firms under the banner of market efficiency, giving birth to the modern consulting industry. (The last of today’s “Big Three” consulting firms was founded as recently as 1973.)

As these firms captured an ever greater share of the nation’s profits, they became synonymous with meritocracy itself: exclusive, data-driven, and ostensibly apolitical. They offered graduates not just jobs, but a sense of belonging and identity.  

There’s another quieter trap, here, too: the cost of living in the big cities has never been higher. In cities like New York and London—the gravitational centers of global finance—living comfortably has become a luxury good. A 2025 SmartAsset study found a single adult in New York now needs about $136,000 a year to live comfortably. In London, a single person needs around £3,000 to £3,500 a month just to cover basic living, transportation, and housing expenses, and financial advisers now say a £60,000 salary merely buys relative comfort – the ability to save and not live paycheck to paycheck – an amount that only 4% of British graduates expect to make coming out of university. 

How many early-career jobs pay more than $136k, or £60k a year? If a 22-year-old comes out of college with the natural desire to explore the big city, a la Friends or Sex in the City, but doesn’t have the cushion of parental support, they have to be within the narrow band of roles that clear the threshold.  That means many careers only begin by chasing a salary level rather than pursuing mission-driven work. 

Incentivizing risk taking

Van Teutem doesn’t think the solution lies in moral awakening so much as in design.

“You can gear institutions toward change or toward risk-taking,” he said. His favorite example is Y Combinator, the Silicon Valley accelerator that since its founding in 2004 has turned a few dozen nerds with ideas into companies now worth roughly $800 billion—“more than the Belgian economy,” he noted.

 YC worked because it reduced the cost of risk: small checks, fast feedback, and a culture that made failure survivable.

 “In Europe,” he added, “we do a really bad job at that.”

Governments, he argues, can do the same. In the 1980s, Singapore began competing directly with businesses for top graduates, offering early job offers, and eventually linking senior civil service pay to private-sector salaries. Controversial, sure, but it built a state that could keep its best talent.

The nonprofit world has learned similar lessons. Teach First in the U.K. and Teach for America copied consulting’s recruitment tactics—selective cohorts, “leadership program” branding, fast responsibility—to lure elite students into classrooms instead of boardrooms. 

“They use the exact tricks from McKinsey and Morgan Stanley,” van Teutem said, “not as charity, but as a springboard.”

Material pressures still distort those choices. In the U.S., unemployment is soaring for recent college grads as the labor market slackens. 

He hopes that universities and employers copy the YC model: lower the downside, raise the prestige of trying. 

“We’ve made risk-taking a privilege,” he said. “That’s the real problem.”



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SpaceX to offer insider shares at record-setting $800 billion valuation

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SpaceX is preparing to sell insider shares in a transaction that would value Elon Musk’s rocket and satellite maker at as much as $800 billion, people familiar with the matter said, reclaiming the title of the world’s most valuable private company. 

The details, discussed by SpaceX’s board of directors on Thursday at its Starbase hub in Texas, could change based on interest from insider sellers and buyers or other factors, said some of the people, who asked not to be identified as the information isn’t public. SpaceX is also exploring a possible initial public offering as soon as late next year, one of the people said. 

Another person briefed on the matter said that the price under discussion for the sale of some employees and investors’ shares is higher than $400 apiece, which would value SpaceX at between $750 billion and $800 billion. The company wouldn’t raise any funds though this planned sale, though a successful offering at such levels would catapult it past the record of $500 billion valuation achieved by OpenAI in October.

Elon Musk on Saturday denied that SpaceX is raising money at a $800 billion valuation without addressing Bloomberg’s reporting on the planned offering of insiders’ shares. 

“SpaceX has been cash flow positive for many years and does periodic stock buybacks twice a year to provide liquidity for employees and investors,” Musk said in a post on his social media platform X. 

The share sale price under discussion would be a substantial increase from the $212 a share set in July, when the company raised money and sold shares at a valuation of $400 billion. The Wall Street Journal and Financial Times earlier reported the $800 billion valuation target.

News of SpaceX’s valuation sent shares of EchoStar Corp., a satellite TV and wireless company, up as much as 18%. Last month, EchoStar had agreed to sell spectrum licenses to SpaceX for $2.6 billion, adding to an earlier agreement to sell about $17 billion in wireless spectrum to Musk’s company.

Subscribe Now: The Business of Space newsletter covers NASA, key industry events and trends.

The world’s most prolific rocket launcher, SpaceX dominates the space industry with its Falcon 9 rocket that lifts satellites and people to orbit.

SpaceX is also the industry leader in providing internet services from low-Earth orbit through Starlink, a system of more than 9,000 satellites that is far ahead of competitors including Amazon.com Inc.’s Amazon Leo.

Elite Group

SpaceX is among an elite group of companies that have the ability to raise funds at $100 billion-plus valuations while delaying or denying they have any plan to go public. 

An IPO of the company at an $800 billion value would vault SpaceX into another rarefied group — the 20 largest public companies, a few notches below Musk’s Tesla Inc. 

If SpaceX sold 5% of the company at that valuation, it would have to sell $40 billion of stock — making it the biggest IPO of all time, well above Saudi Aramco’s $29 billion listing in 2019. The firm sold just 1.5% of the company in that offering, a much smaller slice than the majority of publicly traded firms make available.

A listing would also subject SpaceX to the volatility of being a public company, versus private firms whose valuations are closely guarded secrets. Space and defense company IPOs have had a mixed reception in 2025. Karman Holdings Inc.’s stock has nearly tripled since its debut, while Firefly Aerospace Inc. and Voyager Technologies Inc. have plunged by double-digit percentages since their debuts.

SpaceX executives have repeatedly floated the idea of spinning off SpaceX’s Starlink business into a separate, publicly traded company — a concept President Gwynne Shotwell first suggested in 2020. 

However, Musk cast doubt on the prospect publicly over the years and Chief Financial Officer Bret Johnsen said in 2024 that a Starlink IPO would be something that would take place more likely “in the years to come.”

The Information, citing people familiar with the discussions, separately reported on Friday that SpaceX has told investors and financial institution representatives that it’s aiming for an IPO of the entire company in the second half of next year.

Read More: How to Buy SpaceX: A Guide for the Eager, Pre-IPO

A so-called tender or secondary offering, through which employees and some early shareholders can sell shares, provides investors in closely held companies such as SpaceX a way to generate liquidity.

SpaceX is working to develop its new Starship vehicle, advertised as the most powerful rocket ever developed to loft huge numbers of Starlink satellites as well as carry cargo and people to moon and, eventually, Mars.



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National Park Service drops free admission on MLK Day and Juneteenth while adding Trump’s birthday

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The National Park Service will offer free admission to U.S. residents on President Donald Trump’s birthday next year — which also happens to be Flag Day — but is eliminating the benefit for Martin Luther King Jr. Day and Juneteenth.

The new list of free admission days for Americans is the latest example of the Trump administration downplaying America’s civil rights history while also promoting the president’s image, name and legacy.

Last year, the list of free days included Martin Luther King Jr Day and Juneteenth — which is June 19 — but not June 14, Trump’s birthday.

The new free-admission policy takes effect Jan. 1 and was one of several changes announced by the Park Service late last month, including higher admission fees for international visitors.

The other days of free park admission in 2026 are Presidents Day, Memorial Day, Independence Day, Constitution Day, Veterans Day, President Theodore Roosevelt’s birthday (Oct. 27) and the anniversary of the creation of the Park Service (Aug. 25).

Eliminating Martin Luther King Jr. Day and Juneteenth, which commemorates the day in 1865 when the last enslaved Americans were emancipated, removes two of the nation’s most prominent civil rights holidays.

Some civil rights leaders voiced opposition to the change after news about it began spreading over the weekend.

“The raw & rank racism here stinks to high heaven,” Harvard Kennedy School professor Cornell William Brooks, a former president of the NAACP, wrote on social media about the new policy.

Kristen Brengel, a spokesperson for the National Parks Conservation Association, said that while presidential administrations have tweaked the free days in the past, the elimination of Martin Luther King Jr. Day is particularly concerning. For one, the day has become a popular day of service for community groups that use the free day to perform volunteer projects at parks.

That will now be much more expensive, said Brengel, whose organization is a nonprofit that advocates for the park system.

“Not only does it recognize an American hero, it’s also a day when people go into parks to clean them up,” Brengel said. “Martin Luther King Jr. deserves a day of recognition … For some reason, Black history has repeatedly been targeted by this administration, and it shouldn’t be.”

Some Democratic lawmakers also weighed in to object to the new policy.

“The President didn’t just add his own birthday to the list, he removed both of these holidays that mark Black Americans’ struggle for civil rights and freedom,” said Democratic Sen. Catherine Cortez Masto of Nevada. “Our country deserves better.”

A spokesperson for the National Park Service did not immediately respond to questions on Saturday seeking information about the reasons behind the changes.

Since taking office, Trump has sought to eliminate programs seen as promoting diversity across the federal government, actions that have erased or downplayed America’s history of racism as well as the civil rights victories of Black Americans.

Self-promotion is an old habit of the president’s and one he has continued in his second term. He unsuccessfully put himself forwardfor the Nobel Peace Prize, renamed the U.S. Institute of Peace after himself, sought to put his name on the planned NFL stadium in the nation’s capital and had a new children’s savings program named after him.

Some Republican lawmakers have suggested putting his visage on Mount Rushmore and the $100 bill.



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JPMorgan CEO Jamie Dimon says Europe has a ‘real problem’

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JPMorgan Chase & Co. Chief Executive Officer Jamie Dimon called out slow bureaucracy in Europe in a warning that a “weak” continent poses a major economic risk to the US.

“Europe has a real problem,” Dimon said Saturday at the Reagan National Defense Forum. “They do some wonderful things on their safety nets. But they’ve driven business out, they’ve driven investment out, they’ve driven innovation out. It’s kind of coming back.”

While he praised some European leaders who he said were aware of the issues, he cautioned politics is “really hard.” 

Dimon, leader of the biggest US bank, has long said that the risk of a fragmented Europe is among the major challenges facing the world. In his letter to shareholders released earlier this year, he said that Europe has “some serious issues to fix.”

On Saturday, he praised the creation of the euro and Europe’s push for peace. But he warned that a reduction in military efforts and challenges trying to reach agreement within the European Union are threatening the continent.

“If they fragment, then you can say that America first will not be around anymore,” Dimon said. “It will hurt us more than anybody else because they are a major ally in every single way, including common values, which are really important.”

He said the US should help.

“We need a long-term strategy to help them become strong,” Dimon said. “A weak Europe is bad for us.”

The administration of President Donald Trump issued a new national security strategy that directed US interests toward the Western Hemisphere and protection of the homeland while dismissing Europe as a continent headed toward “civilizational erasure.”

Read More: Trump’s National Security Strategy Veers Inward in Telling Shift

JPMorgan has been ramping up its push to spur more investments in the national defense sector. In October, the bank announced that it would funnel $1.5 trillion into industries that bolster US economic security and resiliency over the next 10 years — as much as $500 billion more than what it would’ve provided anyway. 

Dimon said in the statement that it’s “painfully clear that the United States has allowed itself to become too reliant on unreliable sources of critical minerals, products and manufacturing.”

Investment banker Jay Horine oversees the effort, which Dimon called “100% commercial.” It will focus on four areas: supply chain and advanced manufacturing; defense and aerospace; energy independence and resilience; and frontier and strategic technologies. 

The bank will also invest as much as $10 billion of its own capital to help certain companies expand, innovate or accelerate strategic manufacturing.

Separately on Saturday, Dimon praised Trump for finding ways to roll back bureaucracy in the government.

“There is no question that this administration is trying to bring an axe to some of the bureaucracy that held back America,” Dimon said. “That is a good thing and we can do it and still keep the world safe, for safe food and safe banks and all the stuff like that.”



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