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‘Rare earths are a very useful weapon for China’: Former Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross on the big economic danger

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China’s tightening grip on the minerals that power America’s high-tech is no longer a distant geopolitical concern: it’s an economic threat already moving through U.S. supply chains.

That’s the warning from Wilbur Ross, former U.S. Secretary of Commerce under President Donald Trump, who says Beijing has learned how to use rare earth minerals as leverage over the United States, and may be preparing to weaponize supply chains even further.

“Rare earths are a very useful weapon for China,” the private equity mogul told Fortune in an interview. “For giving up a little bit of revenue, they are achieving a pretty good bang for the buck.”

China doesn’t control most of the world’s rare earth mines, but it does dominate the refining and processing systems where 90% of global capacity sits. These materials— about 17 obscured elements like neodymium and dysprosium—are essential inputs in electric vehicles, magnets, wind turbines, high-end semiconductors, F-35 fighter jets, and guided missiles. 

Ross says U.S. vulnerability has been building quietly for years, but only became visible after China introduced new export licensing requirements that he calls a “disguised rationing system.”

“They have imposed a registration process, which is just a way to mask the controls,” Ross said. “Who knows how deliberately slow they’ll make the approvals.”

 In other words, Ross thinks China can now ration supply to U.S. manufacturers, and do it without formally violating trade agreements.

 “It’s a very effective weapon … and it attacks our high-tech things and our national defense needs.”

Factory shutdowns now a real risk

Ross warned that supply strain may start hitting U.S. industry within six to 12 months unless trade tensions ease. Several automakers stockpiled rare earths at the start of the trade war, he said, but those reserves were only ever “a rounding error.”

“No one knows exactly how big the excess quantities of rare earths that American companies built up are,” he said. “But you probably would have some shutdowns if this standoff continues.”

Ford Motor Co. has already publicly warned it could be forced to idle at least one factory if rare earth supplies tighten further. And while that would represent only a small portion of U.S. capacity, Ross says it could mark the start of broader disruptions.

“Rare earths are used in fighter planes, rockets, all kinds of applications,” Ross said. “Basically anything that requires advanced semiconductors usually has some need for rare earths.”

Even small interruptions matter because of how heavily modern manufacturing depends on advanced chips. A typical U.S. vehicle now contains 400–500 semiconductors, and EVs require even more—making rare earths a single point of failure for both the clean energy transition and national defense.

Ross: China has ‘no incentive’ to negotiate

Asked whether a trade resolution with China is realistic, Ross was skeptical. 

“It’s not at all clear to me that China really wants a trade deal,” he said, adding that years of negotiations across both the Trump and Biden administrations have yielded “not a heck of a lot to show for it.”

Ross said Beijing sees no urgency to bargain. 

“[President] Xi [Jinping] can continue portraying this as something the evil U.S. is doing,” he said, explaining that China benefits politically from framing itself as the target of American aggression.

“So far, there hasn’t been enough pain inflicted on China for them to feel a need to get serious about negotiating.”

The next front may be even more volatile. Lawmakers in Washington have floated the idea of tightening advanced AI chip exports to China, but Ross warned that could set off a dramatic escalation.

“Putting an embargo is a pretty hard thing to do. That could very well be interpreted as an act of war,” he said. “If we did that, China might put a blockade on Taiwan.”

Such a move would cripple global technology markets overnight. Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co. (TSMC) makes more than 90% of the world’s most advanced chips, including those used in U.S. defense systems and cutting-edge AI. 

“That would be catastrophic,” Ross said.

Now, he believes the U.S. is still playing catch-up in a minerals conflict that China prepared for years ago. Domestic processing plants are being built in the U.S. and Europe, he said, but they won’t be operational fast enough to eliminate short-term supply risk.

“We have a timing disconnect,” he said. “China is acting now.”

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Sweetgreen co-founder is stepping down from executive role

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Sweetgreen Inc. co-founder Nathaniel Ru is leaving the struggling salad chain following a string of disappointing results and a precipitous decline in the company’s stock price. 

Ru, who has served as chief brand officer and been with the company for 20 years, is planning to retire on Jan. 1, according to a statement. He will continue to serve on the board. 

Sweetgreen’s share price has dropped nearly 80% since the start of 2025, while consumers have bristled at perceived high costs of the company’s food. Fast-casual chains have also broadly struggled in recent quarters. Operational stumbles, such as removing fries only months after they were introduced, have contributed to the market losing faith in Sweetgreen’s current management team.

Ru, who started the company alongside current Chief Executive Officer Jonathan Neman and Chief Concept Officer Nicolas Jammet, has overseen the company’s marketing and restaurant design. While Sweetgreen’s concept has been touted as innovative in the restaurant world, that creativity has sometimes hindered efficient operations.

The company has yet to turn a profit since going public in late 2021 and has amassed net losses totaling more than $500 million in the period. Despite this, the chain has continued to aggressively expand, with its store count growing 90% over the past four years.

The growth hasn’t led to better financial performance. Cava Group Inc., which sells Mediterranean-style bowls, has expanded more quickly than Sweetgreen while posting consistent quarterly profits.

Prioritizing branding and restaurant development has led to higher operating costs and hasn’t translated into increased foot traffic. Sales from existing restaurants has contracted three consecutive quarters, including a 9.4% drop most recently, the most since 2021. Analyst expect that trend to continue, and worsen, in the fourth period this year after the company warned weak traffic trends have continued.

In August, Neman said only one-third of locations were “consistently operating at or above standard,” while the remainder fell short on sourcing, cooking and uniformity.

This year, the company sold off its kitchen automation unit to Wonder Group Inc., generating $100 million in cash. That technology was supposed to help get restaurant unit economics under control and speed up service but was sacrificed to help shore up company finances. Sweetgreen will maintain a licensing agreement to use the tool.

In 2014, Ru told the business journal from the Wharton School of Business at the University of Pennsylvania that he and his partners started Sweetgreen with a single location in Washington DC. He said that the landlord initially hung up on him but eventually relented after months of pestering. He said the group came up with five business principles, including “win, win, win” and “keeping it real.”

In 2022, he told Marketing Brew that Sweetgreen seeks “intimacy at scale” as it expands while talking about the company’s collaborations with tennis player Naomi Osaka and NBA player Devin Booker.



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$1 billion fraud revealed with guilty pleas from subprime auto lender Tricolor

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The founder of Tricolor Holdings led other top executives of the subprime auto lender on a seven-year campaign to defraud its largest lenders out of nearly $1 billion, authorities said Wednesday, as they announced two arrests and guilty pleas by two former executives.

Daniel Chu, the company’s founder and chief executive, was charged in an indictment unsealed in Manhattan federal court with directing multiple executives since 2018 to defraud investors and lending institutions. The fraudulent schemes included fabricating data and making false statements, according to the indictment.

A defense lawyer for Chu did not immediately return a message seeking comment.

Chu, 62, of Miami, was arrested in Florida, while David Goodgame, 49, of Waxahachie, Texas, the company’s former chief operating officer, was arrested in Texas. It was not immediately clear who will represent Goodgame at an initial court appearance.

U.S. Attorney Jay Clayton told a news conference that Chu repeatedly lied to banks and other credit providers as he turned fraud “into an integral component of Tricolor’s business strategy.”

He said the collapse of the company dealt a blow to car-buying customers who needed the services of a lending business that catered to people with troubled credit histories.

“Of course, if you have something like this happen, if you have fraud in that area, it becomes harder for those people to get auto loans,” Clayton said.

According to the indictment, the scope of the fraud was revealed in late August when lenders confronted Chu and other executives about Tricolor’s collateral.

Chu and others accused of carrying out the fraud initially tried to conceal it, saying the collateral issues were due to an administrative error, the indictment said. After those efforts failed, Chu extracted over $6 million from the company, spending some of it on the August purchase of a multimillion dollar property in Beverly Hills, California, the indictment said.

On Sept. 10, Tricolor filed for Chapter 7 bankruptcy because it owed over $900 million to the company’s largest lenders, the indictment said.

Chu could face a mandatory minimum sentence of 10 years in prison and a maximum of life behind bars if he is convicted on the top charge of running a continuing financial crimes enterprise. Other charges include conspiracy, bank fraud and wire fraud. Goodgame was charged with conspiracy, bank fraud and wire fraud.

Authorities also announced that a former chief financial officer and a former finance executive at Tricolor had pleaded guilty to charges on Tuesday in Manhattan and were cooperating with the government.



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‘Trump Accounts’ for kids get funding boost from Dalio and BlackRock

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A new savings vehicle, dubbed “Trump accounts,” is designed to help the rising generation of American children build wealth into adulthood. 

Under the multitrillion-dollar tax and spending bill signed by President Donald Trump in July, the federal government will contribute $1,000 to accounts set up for every American baby born in the next few years. 

The initiative got a boost on Dec. 2 when billionaires Michael and Susan Dell announced a $6.25 billion gift to seed accounts for millions of older children as well. Other big names in business and finance, including Bridgewater Associates founder Ray Dalio and BlackRock Inc., soon followed with smaller pledges of their own.

Lawmakers significantly scaled back the flexibility and tax benefits of the program since the initial proposal. While the accounts could serve as a springboard for long-term savings, there are other investment vehicles, especially 529 plans, that offer greater tax advantages.

Here’s how the accounts are supposed to work and how the new infusion of money might affect the program.

How will Trump accounts work?

For each account, annual contributions would be capped at $5,000, an amount that would be adjusted for inflation. The idea is for parents, relatives and even the employers of caregivers to pitch in money over time. The federal government, as well as state, local or tribal governments, could also contribute and aren’t subject to the cap.

The accounts would be locked up until the child turns 18. At that point, Trump accounts essentially become individual retirement accounts, which can be used penalty-free for certain expenses such as higher education or first-time home purchases. 

Only one account is allowed per person. The US Treasury will issue regulations requiring the funds be invested in mutual or exchange-traded index funds (ETFs) that “primarily” hold US stocks. Funds must charge low fees and not use leverage, according to the law signed in July.

Another exception to the contribution limit applies to nonprofits, including 501(c)(3) and 501(c)(4) organizations, which could give to recipients based on where they live. 

Parents, relatives, employers or philanthropists can contribute to a designated recipient’s Trump account through the year they turn 17. The Internal Revenue Service has said parents will be allowed to start contributing on behalf of children starting on July 4, 2026. 

Also, through a pilot program, the US government would contribute $1,000 to accounts for babies born from the beginning of 2025 through the end of 2028. Caregivers will be able to sign up children for an account through an online portal administered by the IRS.

What’s the significance of the contributions by business leaders? 

The commitments from corporations and well-heeled donors demonstrate how companies and business leaders are eager to demonstrate public support for a program that Trump views as part of his presidential legacy.

Dalio said his foundation would donate $250 each to roughly 300,000 “Trump accounts” for children in Connecticut. BlackRock said it would match the federal government’s contributions to the accounts for employees’ children, seeding them with $1,000 each.

Those pledges follow the Dells’ announcement in early December of a $6.25 billion gift aimed at seeding accounts for 25 million American children age 10 and under who were too old to be eligible for the initial government funding. The donation targets kids living in ZIP Codes with median incomes below $150,000.

Each eligible account would receive $250 from the Dells. While that amount is unlikely to grow into a significant nest egg even over a couple decades, Michael Dell, founder of Dell Technologies Inc., said when he disclosed the gift that he hoped to inspire others to give as well. 

What will beneficiaries be able to do with their money? 

Trump accounts can’t be touched until age 18. At that point, they’re essentially treated like traditional individual retirement accounts. As with IRAs, money can be withdrawn early for certain qualified expenses, including higher education, up to $10,000 toward first-time home purchases and $5,000 per child for birth or adoption expenses. Other distributions trigger a 10% penalty.

What are the tax advantages of Trump accounts?  

The accounts grow tax-free, and wouldn’t be taxed until money is withdrawn. Those taxes are complicated, and the US Treasury hasn’t yet issued rules on how exactly they will work. The law says recipients don’t pay taxes on any post-tax contributions to their accounts, such as those from parents and relatives. But any gains or tax-free contributions from government, philanthropists or employers will be taxed like ordinary income upon withdrawal. On top of that, beneficiaries would also face the 10% IRA withdrawal penalty if money is used for non-qualifying expenses. 

What changed about the proposal before it became law in July? 

Lawmakers tweaked the Trump accounts so that distributions will be taxed as ordinary income. Early versions of the bill said distributions would be taxed at long-term capital gains rates, which are much lower than those on ordinary income. The accounts also were changed so that they follow IRA withdrawal rules, meaning a recipient’s small business startup costs no longer qualify for penalty-free distributions.

How would Trump accounts compare with 529 college savings plans?

Trump accounts have far fewer tax benefits than 529 college savings plans, which also have far higher contribution limits. 

With a 529 plan, withdrawals are tax-free for qualified educational expenses, and contributions are often eligible for state income tax deductions. Trump account holders would still pay taxes on withdrawals. 

How much would the plan cost the federal government?  

The Trump accounts program will cost about $15 billion over the next decade, according to the Congressional Budget Office, a tiny fraction of the overall tax and spending package approved in July.

Where did the idea come from? What do supporters and skeptics say?

An idea for government-funded “baby bonds” was first proposed by economist Darrick Hamilton, a professor at the New School for Social Research in New York, as a way to help poor Americans build assets and narrow the racial wealth gap. Several states, including Connecticut, have set up baby bond programs or are in the process of doing so. Hamilton has been skeptical of Trump accounts, calling them an idea to “address wealth inequality on the cheap.” 

One impetus for the overall approach appears to have come from Kevin Hassett, director of the White House National Economic Council, who along with economist Robert Shapiro last year began promoting the idea of accounts seeded with $1,000 for newborns. It’s a “simple solution to help people be connected to financial markets so everybody in the country shares in the wealth,” Hassett said at a presentation to the Aspen Institute in 2024.

Greg Leiserson, an economist who served in the Biden and Obama administrations, warned “tax-preferred accounts primarily benefit families that already have spare time and money, not the families that need the most help.”



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