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A residency check on Miami’s candidates

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Two dozen candidates are competing for three Miami posts this election cycle. They span professions and political lanes — and they’ve logged very different amounts of time actually living in the city and in the districts they are hoping to represent.

Miami’s election rules require mayoral hopefuls to have lived inside city limits for at least a year before the Sept. 20 qualifying deadline. Commission candidates must have lived within their district boundaries for the same 365-day stretch.

Florida Politics cross-checked candidate filings against state voter rolls and the city’s district map to confirm residency. Unless noted, candidates voted regularly over the past decade.

Mayor

Of 13 mayoral candidates, four are relative newcomers, with less than two years in Miami.

The newest entry is entrepreneur Christian Cevallos, who moved from unincorporated Kendall in September 2024, just weeks before qualifying. He previously lived in the Hammocks area, roughly 25 miles from Miami.

Attorney Kenneth “K.J.” DeSantis, who says he’s related to Gov. Ron DeSantis, moved to Miami in June 2024 after about 18 months in unincorporated Kendall. He first relocated from Kentucky to Palm Beach County in late 2021 and cast his first Florida ballot last November.

Medical legislation advocate Alyssa Crocker arrived in April 2024 after stops in Clay and St. Johns counties. She has voted only in the 2020 and 2024 General Elections.

Freight rail conductor Laura Anderson told the city she moved to Miami in February 2023, about nine months after relocating to Hialeah from Troy, New York; her voter file lists a Hialeah address into 2024. She appears not to have voted in Florida since moving.

(L-R) Christian Cevallos, Kenneth “K.J.” DeSantis, Alyssa Crocker and Laura Anderson are all relatively new Miami residents. Images via the candidates, Ballotpedia and the Florida Bar.

Two others have at least three years here: Miami-Dade Cryptocurrency Task Force Chair Elijah Bowdre and real estate associate June Savage.

Nonprofit executive Michael Hepburn, a repeat Miami candidate, has alternated between living in Miami and South Miami since 2016. He most recently moved back to Miami in September 2024, less than a week before he would have been ineligible to run.

(L-R) Elijah Bowdre, June Savage and Michael Hepburn. Images via Instagram and the candidates.

The rest are long-timers: Miami-Dade County Commissioner Eileen Higgins, Miami Commissioner Joe Carollo, former Miami-Dade Commissioner Xavier Suarez, former Miami Commissioners Alex Díaz de la Portilla and Ken Russell, and former City Manager Emilio González.

Carollo and Suarez both previously served as Miami’s Mayor. Suarez is the father of current, term-limited Mayor Francis Suarez.

Carollo is running under the cloud of a $63 million lawsuit judgment from 2023, lodged by local businessmen who successfully sued him for weaponizing city resources against them, and a long trail of controversies.

Top row: (L-R) Eileen Higgins, Joe Carollo and Xavier Suarez. Bottom row: (L-R) – Alex Díaz de la Portilla, Ken Russell and – Emilio González. Images via the candidates and Florida Politics file.

Díaz de la Portilla was removed from office in 2023 after his arrest on corruption charges that were later dropped.

Hepburn and Higgins would make history if elected, as Miami’s first Black Mayor and first woman Mayor, respectively.

Russell is seeking a comeback after leaving the Commission early for an unsuccessful congressional bid. González, a veteran of local, state and federal posts, successfully sued the city this year to prevent delaying the election to 2026 — a move Carollo voted against.

City Commission, District 3

Eight candidates want to succeed Carollo in District 3, which centers on Little Havana and parts of Shenandoah.

One contender’s paperwork raises residency questions.

Restaurant manager and real estate broker Rolando Escalona says he has lived continuously in District 3 since June 2024, after residing just five months in neighboring District 4. His filings show moves between the two districts since mid-2023, after living in North Miami and unincorporated West Little River.

But Miami-Dade Property Appraiser records list him as the owner of the District 4 duplex he says he most recently left, but not of the District 3 apartment that he now says is home. The address attached to his broker’s license is still that of the District 4 property, almost 16 months after he says he moved.

He told Political Cortadito on Thursday that redistricting pushed him out of District 3, so he moved into the apartment while his wife remained at the duplex with his mother for a short span before joining him.

U.S. Navy veteran Oscar Alejandro has lived in Miami since November 2023, after moving from near Kendall-Tamiami Executive Airport.

(L-R) Rolando Escalona and Óscar Alejandro. Escalona reported living in an apartment in District 3, but he owns a more spacious home in District 4. Images via the candidates.

The rest — former Miami Commissioner Frank Carollo, Code Enforcement Abatement Board member Yvonne Bayona, real estate broker Brenda Betancourt, public relations professional Denise Turros, Marine Corps veteran Rob Piper and City Hall aide Fayez Tanous — reported a decade or more in Miami.

Frank Carollo, brother of Joe, would extend the family’s grip on the seat to two decades if he wins and serves four years.

Top row: (L-R) Frank Carollo, Yvonne Bayona amd Brenda Betancourt. Bottom row: (L-R) Denise Turros, Rob Piper and Fayez Tanous. Images via the candidates, LinkedIn and YouTube.

Turros, a “Latinas for Trump” co-founder, also ran for Commission in 2017. She was arrested in 1994 on credit card theft charges and in 2010 for disorderly intoxication charges, both later dropped or dismissed, and has since corrected a LinkedIn entry that wrongly claimed she held a journalism degree.

Piper led a 2020 recall PAC targeting Joe Carollo.

City Commission, District 5

Miami Commissioner Christine King, on the dais since 2021, is facing two longtime Miamians.

Construction executive Marion Brown says he’s lived at the same District 5 address since 2002. State records show he didn’t vote in Florida until the August 2024 Primary and only registered the year before, ahead of an unsuccessful Miami-Dade Commission bid.

Community activist and perennial candidate Frederick Bryant has lived in District 5 since 2000 and has been registered to vote in Florida since 1976.

(L-R) Incumbent Commissioner Christine King, Marion Brown and Frederick Bryant. Images via the candidates.

By comparison, King, a lawyer, is the greenhorn in this race. She moved to District 5 in August 2018 after nearly 25 years in North Miami, about 11 miles away.

Odds and ends

City races are technically nonpartisan, but party politics are frequently still a factor.

In the Mayor’s race, Republicans include Carollo, Cevallos, Crocker, Díaz de la Portilla, González and Savage. Democrats include Bowdre, Hepburn, Higgins and Russell. Anderson, DeSantis and Suarez have no party affiliation.

In District 3, the Republicans are Bayona, Betancourt, Carollo, Escalona, Tanous and Turros. Alejandro and Piper are Democrats.

In District 5, King is a Democrat, Brown a Republican and Bryant is an independent.

Miami’s General Election is Nov. 4. If no candidate tops 50% in a race, the top two advance to a Dec. 9 runoff.



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Boca Raton police union endorses Fran Nachlas for Mayor

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Boca Raton Deputy Mayor Fran Nachlas’ campaign to remove “Deputy” from her title just got a boost from the city’s police union.

The Fraternal Order of Police, Lodge 35, is endorsing Nachlas due to her “consistent support for public safety, dedication to community partnership, and commitment to responsible leadership.”

Boca Raton will “continue to thrive as a safe, vibrant, and forward-moving community” under Nachlas’ mayoralty, the group added in its statement announcing the support.

“Fran has been a dedicated supporter of law enforcement and a strong advocate for our community,” the organization said in a separate Instagram post.

“Your steadfast commitment to ensuring the safety and well-being of our citizens, along with your keen understanding of the unique challenges faced by our officers, exemplify exceptional leadership and dedication. We have complete confidence in your ability to lead with integrity, compassion, and unwavering commitment to the community.”

Nachlas said in a statement that she is “profoundly honored” by the nod.

“Our officers put their lives on the line every day to keep our community safe, and their trust means the world to me,” she said. “As Mayor, I will continue to prioritize public safety, strengthen community partnerships, and ensure our police have the resources and support they need.”

Nachlas was named Boca’s Deputy Mayor in March. She is a past Chair of the Boca Raton Community Redevelopment Agency and member of the Boca Raton Community Advisory Council. She now serves on the Palm Beach County Transportation Planning Agency Governing Board, Florida League of Cities Development, Code Compliance and Redevelopment Committee in addition to her City Council duties.

She is one of three candidates competing to succeed term-limited Mayor Scott Singer, along with Boca Raton Council member Andy Thomson and Mike Liebelson, an energy executive-turned-adviser.

Nachlas and Liebelson are Republicans. Thomson is a Democrat.

Boca Raton’s municipal election is on March 10, 2026.





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Children’s Movement salutes trio of lawmakers who drove early learning wins in 2025

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The Children’s Movement of Florida gathered a full room of advocates and lawmakers to recognize three legislators who helped steer early learning priorities across the finish line during the 2025 Legislative Session.

At a ceremony at the Governors Club in Tallahassee, the organization presented its Early Childhood Champion Award to Republican Sen. Alexis Calatayud, Democratic Rep. Robin Bartleman and Republican Rep. Chase Tramont. The Children’s Movement praised the lawmakers’ work expanding access to the state’s School Readiness program and strengthening support for children with special needs.

The group said the trio played central roles in improving tuition assistance and ensuring families aren’t shut out of early learning opportunities as incomes rise.

“Sen. Calatayud, Rep. Bartleman, and Rep. Tramont demonstrate the bipartisan consensus that investing in early learning is good for our state — benefiting not only children and families, but also the state’s workforce and economy,” said Madeleine K. Thakur, President and CEO of The Children’s Movement.

“Their commitment to increasing access for Florida families is an important contribution to our birth-20 education system, and enables true parent choice for the earliest years before kindergarten.”

Calatayud’s bill on the School Readiness program (SB 1102) contained changes designed to make it easier for providers to receive special needs differential funding. The new law also requires participating programs to complete 10 hours of inclusive-practices training before receiving the additional dollars, a move supporters say helps ensure children with special needs can be served effectively.

The House companion, sponsored by Bartleman and Rep. Dana Trabulsy (HB 877), cleared all committees before lawmakers opted to take up the Senate version.

Calatayud also joined Tramont in spearheading legislation tying income thresholds for the School Readiness program to a percentage of the state median income rather than the federal poverty level, among other changes. Advocates argued the shift was necessary as Florida’s minimum wage continues to climb, pushing some working families out of eligibility even as costs rise.

Their proposals were ultimately rolled into the House’s broader education package (HB 1255).

The Children’s Movement of Florida is a nonprofit, nonpartisan coalition formed in 2010 to make early childhood development a top state priority. The group describes itself as Florida’s “leading voice on early childhood,” working both at the grassroots level — with community engagement and volunteer initiatives — and at the state level, by shaping policy and mobilizing support for early-childhood investment statewide.

The organization said this year’s progress highlights how sustained attention from lawmakers can reshape outcomes for children during their most formative years. The organization pledged to continue working with legislators and state agencies heading into 2026 to protect and expand access to early learning support across Florida.



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Did immigration turn Miami blue?

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Miami’s mayoral race ended Tuesday night with a political shift that would have seemed unlikely just a year ago: The election of a Democrat, Eileen Higgins, to replace term-limited Republican Mayor Francis Suarez. In a city that voted for Donald Trump by less than a point in the 2024 presidential election, the result raises a fundamental question about how Miami’s electorate is evolving.

Many issues shaped this Fall’s campaign, including cost of living, corruption, and fatigue over the area’s political dynasties. But one factor over which the city has no direct control appears to have also played an important role: immigration. Specifically, the aggressive national immigration policies associated with the Trump and DeSantis administrations.

Few American cities are as deeply defined by immigration as Miami. More than 58% of Miami-Dade residents are foreign-born, According to an analysis by the Forum for Together, making the county one of the most immigrant-dense metropolitan areas in the United States. Roughly 72% of Miami’s foreign-born population comes from Latin America, and more than half of all households speak a language other than English at home. Immigrants also fuel Miami’s economy, making up nearly 66% of the labor force, including significant representation in health care, construction, hospitality, and professional services.

This demographic reality helps explain why immigration has long been more than a talking point in Miami — it is personal. And in recent years, the city has transformed into one of the most attractive destinations in the world to live and work. As outgoing Mayor Suarez likes to say, Miami has emerged as a bona fide capital of technology and finance, attracting entrepreneurs, venture capital, global corporations, and top talent drawn to its climate, culture, and international connectivity. With this growth has come a renewed understanding that Miami’s strength lies in its identity as a city built and sustained by people from other places, both inside and outside the United States.

Against this backdrop, the hardening of national immigration rhetoric appears to have pushed many Miami voters, including Republican-leaning Hispanics and No Party Affiliates, toward candidates seen as more protective of immigrants already living and working in the community.

National data underscores this trend. A November 2025 Pew Research Center survey found that majorities of Latinos disapprove of Trump and his policies on immigration and the economy. More strikingly, the survey showed that immigration — often assumed to motivate conservative voting — has in fact become a mobilizing issue for Latinos who oppose mass deportation and family separation. Latinos surveyed overwhelmingly rejected policies targeting long-standing undocumented residents, even when they supported stronger border controls.

A recent Kissimmee-based Kaplan Strategies poll highlighted how this dynamic is playing out locally: Miami voters overwhelmingly support border security, yet a majority also oppose blanket deportations of undocumented immigrants who have become rooted in the community. This dual view — security paired with compassion — reflects a nuanced position that does not align neatly with the national Republican message.

Over the last couple of months, an organization called Freedom and Opportunity Alliance launched a digital, television, and billboard campaign in the weeks leading up to Miami’s election. The group bills itself as supporting strong borders and the deportation of violent criminals, while also opposing the removal of long-established, law-abiding undocumented residents who contribute to local economies. The group’s ads, which ran across major platforms, sought to thread the needle between security and humanity, a balance consistent with voter sentiment.

When viewed together, the data tells a compelling story. Miami’s immigrant-rich population remains sensitive to rhetoric or policies that threaten broad deportation. While voters care deeply about safety and border enforcement, they are equally committed to protecting neighbors, coworkers, and families who form the city’s social and economic bedrock.

In this year’s mayoral race, that tension appears to have broken decisively toward the candidate who most aligned with Miami’s lived reality — not the national rhetoric.



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