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Inside the sketchy world of ARR and inflated AI startup accounting

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Beginning in 2024, a stream of ‘holy shit’ growth metrics from VC-backed startups began to pop up on X [formerly Twitter]. In less than three years, Midjourney’s ARR went from zero to $200 million. In 20 months, ElevenLabs, a voice AI startup, saw its ARR soar from zero to near $100 million. In three months, vibe coding darling Lovable went from zero to $17 million in ARR, this summer hitting $100 million in ARR. In its first six months, Decagon hit “seven figures” in ARR, the company reported. The most famous example: AI coding tool Cursor went from nada to $100 million in ARR in a year. But who needs a year, anyway? Two VCs Fortune spoke to highlighted the claim made by Andreessen Horowitz-backed AI “cheat on everything” tool Cluely, which claimed over the summer to have doubled ARR to $7 million over a week

“There is all this pressure from companies like Decagon, Cursor, and Cognition that are just crushing it,” said one VC. “There’s so much pressure to be the company that went from zero to 100 million in X days.”

All the examples have one thing in common: ARR, or “annual recurring revenue.” The metric came to be a favorite of VCs and startups through the software-as-a-service (SaaS) wave starting in the 2000s, when it was widely accepted as a trusted proxy for a stable startup, with a reliable source of revenue and a reasonably shored up future. 

But as billions flowed across the venture capital ecosystem into AI startups, some mere months old, the vaunted, trusted ARR metric has morphed into something much harder to recognize. There’s now a massive amount of pressure on AI-focused founders, at earlier stages than ever before: If you’re not generating revenue immediately, what are you even doing? Founders—in an effort to keep up with the Joneses—are counting all sorts of things as “long-term revenue” that are, to be blunt, nothing your Accounting 101 professor would recognize as legitimate.

Exacerbating the pressure is the fact that more VCs than ever are trying to funnel capital into possible winners, at a time where there’s no certainty about what evaluating success or traction even looks like. Throughout the 90s, VC as an industry grew to more than 700 firms managing about $143 billion. Today, there are more than 3,000 VC firms according to the National Venture Capital Association, managing more than $360 billion, with some projections suggesting venture will be a more than $700 billion industry by 2029. 

Creative accounting, of course, has a long history of cropping up during a boom, a tradition dating far back, to the Gilded Age when inflating assets, understating liabilities, and bribery were commonplace. More recently the dotcom boom and the leadup to the Great Recession brought to light such practices as “channel stuffing,” “roundtripping revenue,” and who can forget “special purpose entities.” Now industry watchers are starting to raise red flags about ARR. “The problem is that so much of this is essentially vibe revenue,” one VC said. “It’s not Google signing a data center contract. That’s real shit. Some startup that’s using your product temporarily? That’s really not revenue.” Or rather there is revenue (the first ‘R’) but it’s not recurring revenue (the second ‘R’).

One example of what this looks like: A top-firm VC described an early-stage defense tech startup he was looking at, where the founder claimed $325,000 in ARR. “The first time he said it, he didn’t even make a big deal out of it,” the VC said. “He was like: ‘Oh, by the way, we have a contract with this company and it’s worth this much.’ In the second meeting, I said, ‘Wait, let’s go back to that customer, that big contract. How did that deal happen?’ A very common question. He said: ‘Oh, it was super easy. It was a two-week pilot. And we have it on good authority that they’re going to keep paying us that much.’”

Record scratch: “I was like: What does that mean?” the VC said. “Hold the phone, man. The good authority I subscribe to is a signed piece of paper.” 

How ARR became the favored metric in AI

A number is almost never just a number in tech. And it never has been. 

Behind every revenue figure you’ve ever seen, especially when talking about privately-held tech startups, there is a little bit of science—and a lot of art. These companies aren’t monitored the way that public companies are, reporting to the Securities and Exchange Commission quarterly. Investors also don’t necessarily audit the companies they invest in, either. A financial due diligence process, before a VC invests, may involve an informal audit, but more likely it’s a game played with trust. 

And in the SaaS era, technically starting in the 1990s and gaining steam through the 2000s, trust in ARR came comparatively easy. There was an agreed upon set of conventions. For example, annual per-seat pricing was standard, where one user pays for one year and then accounts expanded by adding multiple users. And there was clear separation between ARR, CAR (signed contract value before activation) and recognized revenue (actual revenue booked). Typically 80 to 90% of CAR would convert to ARR, and you could predictably chart a company’s expansion, relying on low churn rates and steady customers.

There were, in short, standardized methods of calculating ARR. 

“We did settle on these terms that everyone agreed on in the SaaS world,” said Anna Barber, partner at VC firm M13. “It was a lot harder to fudge, because people had a general understanding of what things had to mean. Today, we don’t know what things have to mean in the same way. So, there’s a lot of confusion and, maybe, obfuscation.”

Now, here’s the wrinkle: The SaaS era wasn’t a halcyon time of absolute revenue clarity either. As the cloud wave started to take shape, ARR started to get a little funkier. Especially for consumer-facing companies (like restaurant software company Toast) there were questions about whether subscription revenue was a good proxy for ARR. But it was the emergence of AI that created a whole new layer of uncertainty. 

“Investors wanted to keep evaluating companies as SaaS-predictable, so they tried to shoehorn those elements into ‘recurring’ revenue,” said Nnamdi Okike, managing partner and co-founder at 645 Ventures. “It doesn’t truly work, but it worked well enough for investors to keep doing it. Now AI has shown up with a whole new set of elements, and it would be better for investors to finally create new metrics to represent this new reality.”

ARR is in what could be described as an awkward phase, where there are some AI startups that are trying to use the metric with sincerity, but their business dynamics are just too different from traditional SaaS. Prospective customers are still in an experimentation phase, trying all sorts of products on short-term pilots, creating high churn risk. And AI services have unpredictable token usage, which refers to the amount of text that AI processes to understand language. (More tokens equals more usage, and more complicated queries require more token usage, by extension.) So, a few “inference whales” like OpenAI and Anthropic have massive pricing power and can skew costs, making AI startups’ financial structures fundamentally different from traditional SaaS businesses. 

“The classic SaaS model is dying as we speak,” said Priya Saiprasad, general partner at Touring Capital. “We shouldn’t be using classic SaaS terms to measure these companies, we shouldn’t be using the language of it. So we should all, collectively as an industry, evolve to a new set of metrics we feel comfortable measuring these companies by.” 

The result? Founders are counting pilots, one-time deals, or unactivated contracts as recurring revenue, six VCs told Fortune. And there are lots of hairs to split here. For example, some startups are claiming “booked ARR”—numbers based on what customers might pay in the future rather than what they actually are paying now—even though contracts frequently have provisions that let customers opt out at any time for any reason.

“Companies are signing contracts with kill provisions, so they’re claiming booked ARR, but giving their customers an out,” said one early-stage focused VC. “So it’s like, okay, so I’m claiming that I just booked this million-dollar-a-year contract. But by the way, it says in three months, you can cancel for no reason. Does that count?”

It’s important to say: While there is a massive amount of variation across industries, there are also widely accepted, optimal accounting principles. In general terms, there are normal red flags around revenue that accounting experts watch for. 

“If there’s speculation that revenue’s being inflated, that’s a primary concern among external auditors,” said Jonathan Stanley, director of Auburn’s Harbert College of Business School of Accountancy and KPMG endowed professor. “There are always many things you’re looking for, but a company potentially trying to manipulate the revenue numbers to achieve a goal that really contradicts objective reporting is always a red flag.”

And revenue itself, on a fundamental level, features both core truths—and discretionary realities. 

“You book revenue when the service is provided and/or when the goods are delivered,” said Bradley Bennett, accounting department chair and professor at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst’s Isenberg School. “Depending on how the contracts are written, depending on how clear those stated objectives or benchmarks are noted, and/or just the industry in general, there’s some room for discretion and perhaps misreporting, intentional or not. Also, there are often incentives tied to revenue for management and members of the sales teams.”

Until proven otherwise, there’s nothing illegal about taking the rosiest view of revenue, and many would even say it’s a time-honored tradition. But that doesn’t mean it can’t cause problems (or crises) down the line.

The circular startup ecosystem

There are also broader sociological changes making the ARR shenanigans possible. One VC says part of the fault lies in well-established accelerators which have standardized “what to say” to raise money, encouraging metric manipulation.

Y Combinator, this VC says, “standardized the approach to building companies to such a degree, mostly for the betterment of our industry, for the record,” said one VC. “But they’ve also productized company-building to the extent that these people know exactly what to say. They’ve been in YC for ten weeks, so they think they know and they figure that annualizing whatever they’ve got in week nine feels like a reasonable thing to do.” (YC did not return a request for comment.)

And the fact that lots of these startups ultimately sell to other startups circuitously makes things even more insular. “More than private equity, more than even banking, venture has an ‘in’ crowd,” said NYU Professor Alison Taylor. “A certain sort of person gets funded with a certain sort of business model.” 

The emphasis on ARR, ultimately, is reflective of a wider reckoning in venture overall. Not only are there more VCs (and more capital) than ever, but priorities are in flux. “Generally, historically, there’s been an important tradeoff in the venture capital industry between profitability and growth,” said Dr. Ilya Strebulaev, a professor at the Stanford Graduate School of Business and co-author of The Venture Mindset. But roiled by geopolitical tensions and macroeconomic uncertainty, “that pendulum has been changing over time. I think venture capitalists are now spending more effort on profitability today than in the past, and are spending more effort on revenue. But that doesn’t mean the tradeoff between profitability and growth has evaporated—absolutely not.”

In the end, as University of Virginia economist Dr. Anton Korinek points out, this isn’t about ARR at all, but one step in a much bigger (and even more consequential) design. “The big picture question is, why are valuations so high?” said Korinek. “This is one of the symptoms of that. The bet is AGI or bust…’If I want to give you even more money, because there’s so much liquidity sloshing around and we are really, really eager to invest in this, then please give me more ARR, and I’ll give you a higher valuation.’”

One VC says he feels like he’s going a little mad—but that’s the business. “It’s like going to a carnival and saying ‘wait a second, this game where I’m supposed to throw a ring around the milk bottle—that’s not a real milk bottle, that’s not a real ring.” 

The consensus among VCs seems to be that ARR won’t ultimately be the way forward at all: Smart investors will develop new ways to assess AI businesses, focusing on retention, daily active usage, and unit economics. 

Until then, it may be the VCs and founders who have pumped up ARR that will feel the most pain if a bubble bursts. This is an equity-driven boom, says Korinek, and “the main losers in equity-driven booms like the one right now are the ones who made the bets.”



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Senate Dems’ plan to fix Obamacare premiums adds nearly $300 billion to deficit, CRFB says

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The Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget (CRFB) is a nonpartisan watchdog that regularly estimates how much the U.S. Congress is adding to the $38 trillion national debt.

With enhanced Affordable Care Act (ACA) subsidies due to expire within days, some Senate Democrats are scrambling to protect millions of Americans from getting the unpleasant holiday gift of spiking health insurance premiums. The CRFB says there’s just one problem with the plan: It’s not funded.

“With the national debt as large as the economy and interest payments costing $1 trillion annually, it is absurd to suggest adding hundreds of billions more to the debt,” CRFB President Maya MacGuineas wrote in a statement on Friday afternoon.

The proposal, backed by members of the Senate Democratic caucus, would fully extend the enhanced ACA subsidies for three years, from 2026 through 2028, with no additional income limits on who can qualify. Those subsidies, originally boosted during the pandemic and later renewed, were designed to lower premiums and prevent coverage losses for middle‑ and lower‑income households purchasing insurance on the ACA exchanges.

CRFB estimated that even this three‑year extension alone would add roughly $300 billion to federal deficits over the next decade, largely because the federal government would continue to shoulder a larger share of premium costs while enrollment and subsidy amounts remain elevated. If Congress ultimately moves to make the enhanced subsidies permanent—as many advocates have urged—the total cost could swell to nearly $550 billion in additional borrowing over the next decade.

Reversing recent guardrails

MacGuineas called the Senate bill “far worse than even a debt-financed extension” as it would roll back several “program integrity” measures that were enacted as part of a 2025 reconciliation law and were intended to tighten oversight of ACA subsidies. On top of that, it would be funded by borrowing even more. “This is a bad idea made worse,” MacGuineas added.

The watchdog group’s central critique is that the new Senate plan does not attempt to offset its costs through spending cuts or new revenue and, in their view, goes beyond a simple extension by expanding the underlying subsidy structure.

The legislation would permanently repeal restrictions that eliminated subsidies for certain groups enrolling during special enrollment periods and would scrap rules requiring full repayment of excess advance subsidies and stricter verification of eligibility and tax reconciliation. The bill would also nullify portions of a 2025 federal regulation that loosened limits on the actuarial value of exchange plans and altered how subsidies are calculated, effectively reshaping how generous plans can be and how federal support is determined. CRFB warned these reversals would increase costs further while weakening safeguards designed to reduce misuse and error in the subsidy system.

MacGuineas said that any subsidy extension should be paired with broader reforms to curb health spending and reduce overall borrowing. In her view, lawmakers are missing a chance to redesign ACA support in a way that lowers premiums while also improving the long‑term budget outlook.

The debate over ACA subsidies recently contributed to a government funding standoff, and CRFB argued that the new Senate bill reflects a political compromise that prioritizes short‑term relief over long‑term fiscal responsibility.

“After a pointless government shutdown over this issue, it is beyond disappointing that this is the preferred solution to such an important issue,” MacGuineas wrote.

The off-year elections cast the government shutdown and cost-of-living arguments in a different light. Democrats made stunning gains and almost flipped a deep-red district in Tennessee as politicians from the far left and center coalesced around “affordability.”

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer is reportedly smelling blood in the water and doubling down on the theme heading into the pivotal midterm elections of 2026. President Donald Trump is scheduled to visit Pennsylvania soon to discuss pocketbook anxieties. But he is repeating predecessor Joe Biden’s habit of dismissing inflation, despite widespread evidence to the contrary.

“We fixed inflation, and we fixed almost everything,” Trump said in a Tuesday cabinet meeting, in which he also dismissed affordability as a “hoax” pushed by Democrats.​

Lawmakers on both sides of the aisle now face a politically fraught choice: allow premiums to jump sharply—including in swing states like Pennsylvania where ACA enrollees face double‑digit increases—or pass an expensive subsidy extension that would, as CRFB calculates, explode the deficit without addressing underlying health care costs.



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Netflix–Warner Bros. deal sets up $72 billion antitrust test

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Netflix Inc. has won the heated takeover battle for Warner Bros. Discovery Inc. Now it must convince global antitrust regulators that the deal won’t give it an illegal advantage in the streaming market. 

The $72 billion tie-up joins the world’s dominant paid streaming service with one of Hollywood’s most iconic movie studios. It would reshape the market for online video content by combining the No. 1 streaming player with the No. 4 service HBO Max and its blockbuster hits such as Game Of ThronesFriends, and the DC Universe comics characters franchise.  

That could raise red flags for global antitrust regulators over concerns that Netflix would have too much control over the streaming market. The company faces a lengthy Justice Department review and a possible US lawsuit seeking to block the deal if it doesn’t adopt some remedies to get it cleared, analysts said.

“Netflix will have an uphill climb unless it agrees to divest HBO Max as well as additional behavioral commitments — particularly on licensing content,” said Bloomberg Intelligence analyst Jennifer Rie. “The streaming overlap is significant,” she added, saying the argument that “the market should be viewed more broadly is a tough one to win.”

By choosing Netflix, Warner Bros. has jilted another bidder, Paramount Skydance Corp., a move that risks touching off a political battle in Washington. Paramount is backed by the world’s second-richest man, Larry Ellison, and his son, David Ellison, and the company has touted their longstanding close ties to President Donald Trump. Their acquisition of Paramount, which closed in August, has won public praise from Trump. 

Comcast Corp. also made a bid for Warner Bros., looking to merge it with its NBCUniversal division.

The Justice Department’s antitrust division, which would review the transaction in the US, could argue that the deal is illegal on its face because the combined market share would put Netflix well over a 30% threshold.

The White House, the Justice Department and Comcast didn’t immediately respond to requests for comment. 

US lawmakers from both parties, including Republican Representative Darrell Issa and Democratic Senator Elizabeth Warren have already faulted the transaction — which would create a global streaming giant with 450 million users — as harmful to consumers.

“This deal looks like an anti-monopoly nightmare,” Warren said after the Netflix announcement. Utah Senator Mike Lee, a Republican, said in a social media post earlier this week that a Warner Bros.-Netflix tie-up would raise more serious competition questions “than any transaction I’ve seen in about a decade.”

European Union regulators are also likely to subject the Netflix proposal to an intensive review amid pressure from legislators. In the UK, the deal has already drawn scrutiny before the announcement, with House of Lords member Baroness Luciana Berger pressing the government on how the transaction would impact competition and consumer prices.

The combined company could raise prices and broadly impact “culture, film, cinemas and theater releases,”said Andreas Schwab, a leading member of the European Parliament on competition issues, after the announcement.

Paramount has sought to frame the Netflix deal as a non-starter. “The simple truth is that a deal with Netflix as the buyer likely will never close, due to antitrust and regulatory challenges in the United States and in most jurisdictions abroad,” Paramount’s antitrust lawyers wrote to their counterparts at Warner Bros. on Dec. 1.

Appealing directly to Trump could help Netflix avoid intense antitrust scrutiny, New Street Research’s Blair Levin wrote in a note on Friday. Levin said it’s possible that Trump could come to see the benefit of switching from a pro-Paramount position to a pro-Netflix position. “And if he does so, we believe the DOJ will follow suit,” Levin wrote.

Netflix co-Chief Executive Officer Ted Sarandos had dinner with Trump at the president’s Mar-a-Lago resort in Florida last December, a move other CEOs made after the election in order to win over the administration. In a call with investors Friday morning, Sarandos said that he’s “highly confident in the regulatory process,” contending the deal favors consumers, workers and innovation. 

“Our plans here are to work really closely with all the appropriate governments and regulators, but really confident that we’re going to get all the necessary approvals that we need,” he said.

Netflix will likely argue to regulators that other video services such as Google’s YouTube and ByteDance Ltd.’s TikTok should be included in any analysis of the market, which would dramatically shrink the company’s perceived dominance.

The US Federal Communications Commission, which regulates the transfer of broadcast-TV licenses, isn’t expected to play a role in the deal, as neither hold such licenses. Warner Bros. plans to spin off its cable TV division, which includes channels such as CNN, TBS and TNT, before the sale.

Even if antitrust reviews just focus on streaming, Netflix believes it will ultimately prevail, pointing to Amazon.com Inc.’s Prime and Walt Disney Co. as other major competitors, according to people familiar with the company’s thinking. 

Netflix is expected to argue that more than 75% of HBO Max subscribers already subscribe to Netflix, making them complementary offerings rather than competitors, said the people, who asked not to be named discussing confidential deliberations. The company is expected to make the case that reducing its content costs through owning Warner Bros., eliminating redundant back-end technology and bundling Netflix with Max will yield lower prices.



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The rise of AI reasoning models comes with a big energy tradeoff

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Nearly all leading artificial intelligence developers are focused on building AI models that mimic the way humans reason, but new research shows these cutting-edge systems can be far more energy intensive, adding to concerns about AI’s strain on power grids.

AI reasoning models used 30 times more power on average to respond to 1,000 written prompts than alternatives without this reasoning capability or which had it disabled, according to a study released Thursday. The work was carried out by the AI Energy Score project, led by Hugging Face research scientist Sasha Luccioni and Salesforce Inc. head of AI sustainability Boris Gamazaychikov.

The researchers evaluated 40 open, freely available AI models, including software from OpenAI, Alphabet Inc.’s Google and Microsoft Corp. Some models were found to have a much wider disparity in energy consumption, including one from Chinese upstart DeepSeek. A slimmed-down version of DeepSeek’s R1 model used just 50 watt hours to respond to the prompts when reasoning was turned off, or about as much power as is needed to run a 50 watt lightbulb for an hour. With the reasoning feature enabled, the same model required 7,626 watt hours to complete the tasks.

The soaring energy needs of AI have increasingly come under scrutiny. As tech companies race to build more and bigger data centers to support AI, industry watchers have raised concerns about straining power grids and raising energy costs for consumers. A Bloomberg investigation in September found that wholesale electricity prices rose as much as 267% over the past five years in areas near data centers. There are also environmental drawbacks, as Microsoft, Google and Amazon.com Inc. have previously acknowledged the data center buildout could complicate their long-term climate objectives

More than a year ago, OpenAI released its first reasoning model, called o1. Where its prior software replied almost instantly to queries, o1 spent more time computing an answer before responding. Many other AI companies have since released similar systems, with the goal of solving more complex multistep problems for fields like science, math and coding.

Though reasoning systems have quickly become the industry norm for carrying out more complicated tasks, there has been little research into their energy demands. Much of the increase in power consumption is due to reasoning models generating much more text when responding, the researchers said. 

The new report aims to better understand how AI energy needs are evolving, Luccioni said. She also hopes it helps people better understand that there are different types of AI models suited to different actions. Not every query requires tapping the most computationally intensive AI reasoning systems.

“We should be smarter about the way that we use AI,” Luccioni said. “Choosing the right model for the right task is important.”

To test the difference in power use, the researchers ran all the models on the same computer hardware. They used the same prompts for each, ranging from simple questions — such as asking which team won the Super Bowl in a particular year — to more complex math problems. They also used a software tool called CodeCarbon to track how much energy was being consumed in real time.

The results varied considerably. The researchers found one of Microsoft’s Phi 4 reasoning models used 9,462 watt hours with reasoning turned on, compared with about 18 watt hours with it off. OpenAI’s largest gpt-oss model, meanwhile, had a less stark difference. It used 8,504 watt hours with reasoning on the most computationally intensive “high” setting and 5,313 watt hours with the setting turned down to “low.” 

OpenAI, Microsoft, Google and DeepSeek did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Google released internal research in August that estimated the median text prompt for its Gemini AI service used 0.24 watt-hours of energy, roughly equal to watching TV for less than nine seconds. Google said that figure was “substantially lower than many public estimates.” 

Much of the discussion about AI power consumption has focused on large-scale facilities set up to train artificial intelligence systems. Increasingly, however, tech firms are shifting more resources to inference, or the process of running AI systems after they’ve been trained. The push toward reasoning models is a big piece of that as these systems are more reliant on inference.

Recently, some tech leaders have acknowledged that AI’s power draw needs to be reckoned with. Microsoft CEO Satya Nadella said the industry must earn the “social permission to consume energy” for AI data centers in a November interview. To do that, he argued tech must use AI to do good and foster broad economic growth.



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