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The Mooch’s second act: Anthony Scaramucci’s improbable quest to transcend Trump and transform America

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Anthony Scaramucci strides into the seaside ballroom of Bermuda’s plush Hamilton Princess hotel sporting a well-tailored suit, a spangled American flag pin, a Mickey Mouse watch, and plenty of hair gel.

Scaramucci is here to talk up his hedge fund’s latest SALT investors conference. But prior to our interview, he tells me, he was yukking it up with Bermuda’s premier, E. David Burt. Scaramucci, proud of his youthful appearance at age 61, says he shared a favorite one-liner extolling darker complexions: “Black don’t crack,” he recalls telling Burt—“but beige don’t age!”

This is “the Mooch”— a nickname Scaramucci picked up in childhood—on full blast, entertaining and outrageous. His body pulses with energy and he talks in a rapid stream, his nasal Long Island accent peppered with F-bombs.

Most Americans encountered the Mooch for the first time in 2017.  That’s when Scaramucci got a gig as first-term President Donald Trump’s communications director, only to yap his way out of that job after 11 days. His fleeting tenure became fodder for late-night comics and social media wags, who coined the metric of “a Scaramucci” to measure the length of a failed short-term stint.

It’s hard to come back from an episode like that. Yet Scaramucci has somehow done just that, and eight years later, he has evolved into something new—arguably, one of the most influential voices in American politics and finance.

In the last few years, Scaramucci has parlayed his disastrous White House foray into a role as one of Trump’s most arch critics, often drawing on his personal knowledge of the man he worked for during the 2016 presidential campaign. Using his massive social media following and his cohosting of the popular The Rest is Politics: US podcast, Scaramucci has won over a legion of unlikely fans across the political landscape. At the same time, his popular crypto-focused SALT conferences have attracted leading celebrities and business figures and, along with his hedge fund, helped Scaramucci amass a personal fortune of nearly $200 million.

The Mooch’s brassy schtick is still there, but now he has something serious to say. Wielding insights gleaned from world history and his voracious reading, he offers Americans a compelling road map to transcend the crassness and culture wars of the moment.

A formative trip to Disney World

Scaramucci’s childhood was about as far removed as you can get from the Hamilton Princess. The son of a crane operator on Long Island, his family did not go to five-star hotels—or really anyplace—except, he recalls, one precious vacation to Miami Beach when he was 12. That was the time he and his brother persuaded their father to take them to Disney World.

“I’ve got to give my old man credit for this, because he really didn’t want to do this,” he tells me. “I mean, this poor son of a bitch—chainsmoker, Scotch drinker, blue-collar worker—all he wanted to do was lay on the beach, but I got his ass in a bus, and we went from Miami Beach up to Orlando.”

The four-hour bus ride allowed for barely half a day at the theme park, but that was enough to leave Scaramucci with indelible memories, an abiding love of the Magic Kingdom, and a swelling desire to get rich and have all the things his family could not then afford. Five decades later, his eyes are a pool of wonder and pain as he recalls the trip.

“I’m a big Disney fan and I’ve spent almost a year of my life on Disney property,” Scaramucci says, twisting his Mickey Mouse watch. (An incorrigible name-dropper, the Mooch can’t help but add that the company’s CEO, Bob Iger, is a good buddy.)

Though he doesn’t say so, that glimpse of the Happiest Place on Earth likely was a salve for Scaramucci, who has said that he experienced poverty and domestic violence as a child. He’s a quiet benefactor of former Yankee manager Joe Torre’s Safe at Home Foundation, a charity that provides services to children who have experienced trauma.

Scaramucci’s path to upward mobility was aided by charisma, as well as a sharp intelligence that got him into Harvard Law School and helped him land a job at Goldman Sachs (which he was later fired from, and then rehired by the firm). The head of the trading desk at Goldman tagged the young Scaramucci with the nickname Good Will Hunting, after the Matt Damon character in the 1997 film about a genius who works as a janitor at MIT. “He’s like, ‘You know a lot more than you’re willing to admit at the card table,’” Scaramucci recalls.

At Harvard Law School, Scaramucci had been brash and popular, the kind of guy who proposed to his first wife on a Times Square billboard. He also held his own academically, earning an A- from the famous constitutional law scholar Laurence Tribe. But unlike many of his fellow students, Scaramucci didn’t profess any aspirations to use his legal training for the greater good, or to be a thundering moral figure like the fictional criminal defense attorney Atticus Finch, a classmate has written of him. Instead, he seemed aligned with his working-class parents’ view, as published in the 1989 Harvard Law yearbook:  “To the victor go the spoils,” they wrote in a congratulatory note.

Following law school, Scaramucci twice failed the New York bar exam, but he got his spoils all the same. After a seven-year stint at Goldman Sachs, he realized he could make even more money by starting his own hedge fund, Oscar Capital, which he would go on to sell to another financial giant in 2001. Four years later, he started his current fund, SkyBridge Capital.  

Today, a source close to Scaramucci said his net worth is at the higher end of the $150 million to $200 million range (the exact value has fluctuated significantly, since most of his portfolio is in the volatile crypto sector). That fortune was amassed primarily from personal investments and fees he collects from his fund, SkyBridge Capital, which oversaw $2.6 billion in assets at the end of 2024. He is also an author, earning royalties from The Little Book of Hedge Funds and several other books.

Not everyone is impressed by Scaramucci’s business acumen. Upon learning I was writing this profile, a general partner at a crypto venture capital fund fumed that Scaramucci was “dumb as a bag of rocks” when it came to finance, and that his success came entirely from his skills as a networker.

John Darsie, the CEO of the SALT franchise, dismisses such criticisms. He says that while Scaramucci has never held the role of chief investment officer at SkyBridge, he has always been instrumental in supplying the broad strokes of the firm’s investment strategy. Darsie also credits Scaramucci with making a series of critical pivots when the firm was on the rocks.

Those include dropping Skybridge’s original focus on hedge fund seeding to embrace instead a fund-of-funds model, which Scaramucci pulled off by acquiring a unit of Citi bank in 2010. Then there’s SkyBridge’s 2020 pivot to crypto, which now makes up 70% of the fund’s portfolio alongside its investments in big hedge funds such as Millennium Management Global Investment and Elliott Management, and bets on credit and private equity.

In early 2025, Scaramucci himself held over 60% of his net worth in Bitcoin, he told the Substack The Profile. Despite being a tireless booster of cryptocurrency, he has never pretended his embrace of the sector is rooted in some higher ideal. Instead, he says he bought Bitcoin to get rich—a refreshing take in an industry where many pose as reformers bent on democratizing finance.

Scaramucci says he first encountered Bitcoin in 2012, and describes meeting Hal Finney, the late computer scientist who was party to the very first transactions. He admits he did not see the value proposition at the time—SkyBridge’s first Bitcoin purchase came in 2020—but says he agrees with the philosophy that sees the currency as an antidote to the reckless printing of money by central banks and governments.

“If you could say one thing about the last 100 years, central bankers have been drunk drivers,” he says. “Bitcoin takes the keys away from the central bankers.”

Adventures, and misadventures, in crypto-land

The 1609 Bar is a short beachward walk from the Hamilton Princess lobby. Its ample windows offer sumptuous views of Bermuda’s picturesque harbor. On this April evening, the SALT conference guests are sipping Rum Swizzles—the national drink—and Dark & Stormys while chattering loudly about crypto projects.

This is the 25th such gathering for SALT, which stands for SkyBridge Alternatives, and began in 2008 as a forum to discuss non-mainstream investments.  This year’s event in Bermuda has drawn some of the industry’s leading figures, but it’s no 2022.

That’s the year Scaramucci’s firm co-hosted the most famous—and infamous—gathering in crypto history. It took place in the Bahamas, another island nation with aspirations of supplementing its tourism economy by becoming a digital assets hub. The A-listers in attendance included Tom Brady, Bill Clinton, Katy Perry, and Shark Tank’s Kevin O’Leary.

The main draw, though, was the other co-host—a shlubby crypto tycoon named Sam Bankman-Fried, who was heading to the apex of his fame. Known to everyone as SBF, Bankman-Fried ran the crypto exchange FTX, then valued at $25 billion, which co-sponsored the conference and was spending lavishly on political donations, acquisitions and endorsement deals. Shortly after the Bahamas gathering, SBF also bought a 30% stake in Scaramucci’s fund, SkyBridge, as part of a broader $67 million investment.

Months later, it all came undone when FTX collapsed and it became clear that billions in customer funds were missing. The fallout ensnared many prominent figures in the crypto world, including Scaramucci. The repercussions included a series of clawback lawsuits seeking to recover assets that Bankman-Fried had spent or transferred. Some of these lawsuits are still ongoing, including one aimed at Scaramucci and SkyBridge.

Scaramucci does not appear humbled by the SBF debacle, and is quick to claim that Bankman-Fried’s $67 million investment was not what it seemed. That’s because a hefty portion of it came in the form of so-called “Sam coins”—new cryptocurrencies the conman spun up and passed around like so many magic beans. They became worthless after FTX’s collapse.

Meanwhile, the broader crypto world has moved on. In Bermuda, SBF’s crimes do not come up as the SALT guests toast to the price of Bitcoin crossing $100,000, and enthuse about stablecoins and AI-infused blockchains.

Scaramucci, who has a near-photographic memory, banters easily with guests and hotel staff alike. Hosting a multiday conference is grueling work, but Scaramucci looks remarkably fresh—a testament to his natural vigor and, perhaps, his elaborate self-care regime. That regime, he told the FT, involves injections (“I’ve probably taken more Botox needles to my forehead than any 60-year-old I know”), PRP doses to keep his hair thick, and regular visits to a woman he describes as the best colorist in Manhattan.

Hovering over a buffet spread, he snatches an hors d’oeuvre and catches my eye. “They call me the Mooch for a reason,” he says with a grin. It’s a line he has no doubt used hundreds of times, but it still lands.

Scaramucci can slip into the full-wattage version of the Mooch in an instant, parceling out jokey lines and chummy confidences at will. These qualities have led some to observe that Scaramucci’s true talent is as a connector: someone who can read the room, and draw together some of the world’s most powerful and influential people.

It’s no wonder that in 2016, a former reality-show host and fellow New Yorker who was still trying to learn the ropes as a professional politician found a high-profile role for Scaramucci in his presidential campaign.

The shortest White House stint

The Mooch now sees his time working for Trump as a low point in his life. “My wife and I almost got our asses divorced,” he says. “She hates Trump almost as much as Melania does.”  

The Scaramuccis’ near divorce came in 2017, a year when the Mooch became a star in Trumpworld, and a polarizing figure in Washington, D.C. Deidre, Scaramucci’s second wife and the mother of two of his five children, was ready to leave after he missed the birth of his youngest son to attend a Boy Scouts event with Donald Trump. “But also,” Scaramucci reflects, “we were fighting about other things.”

Things are steady now. After getting over his brief intoxication with political power, Deidre says, her husband has grounded himself by embracing the bookworm and homebody sides of his personality. Even at home, though, he relishes being the Mooch, Deidre says when I reach her on the phone shortly before Independence Day: Her husband has been parading around the house in his “It’s not the Fourth of July until my wiener comes out” T-shirt.

In Bermuda, Scaramucci proudly shows a tattoo on his ring finger that he got after the near-divorce: “That’s Deidre—the letter D in her handwriting, on my wedding finger.” Deidre got his initial on her finger too. Instead of ending his marriage, Scaramucci had a rather spectacular breakup with his employer, who fired him after the Mooch criticized two other top lieutenants in the first Trump administration, Reince Priebus and Steve Bannon, in a profanity-laced interview with the New Yorker.

In the years since his dramatic exit from public service, some of Scaramucci’s jibes at Trump have come in the form of cheap laughs, including one about how the orange of his Mickey Mouse wristband is more fetching than Trump’s complexion.

But he also takes every opportunity he can to issue what he sees as a serious warning: Scaramucci—who still identifies as a Republican—claims the president is running the same playbook as the leaders of fascist Germany. And like others who spent time in the inner circle of Trump’s White House, he has since become a vocal critic of a man he calls malevolent and amoral.

Unsurprisingly, Trump no longer thinks highly of Scaramucci, either. Following his second election victory, the President took to Truth Social to blast his former staffer as “a major loser who was fired from the administration after only 11 days.” Reached for comment on this story, White House spokesman Kush Desai told Fortune: “No one cares about what Scaramucci thinks or says.”

Anthony Scaramucci at the White House in 2017.

Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

Scaramucci’s ongoing and vocal critiques of the President come at a time when most in the crypto sector are falling over themselves to praise the President’s deregulatory policies, which include dropping a slew of SEC investigations and disbanding a Justice Department unit that specialized in blockchain. Trump is now an honorary crypto bro himself, as he and his sons pocket tens of millions selling memecoins, so Scaramucci risks crossing not just the White House but his own industry by speaking out. 

He says many of his banker and hedge-fund friends quietly agree with him, and he wishes they would do the same. “My buddies on Wall Street, who know better,” he says, “they don’t have the balls to speak out.”

Beneath the brashness, a sober and historic worldview

Scaramucci tugs on my sleeve to emphasize his latest point. After 40 minutes, his energy hasn’t flagged a whit. To borrow from Walt Whitman, the Mooch is out of the cradle, endlessly rocking.

Yet this colorful Mooch persona—which he describes as an “Italian exoskeleton”—hides an inner Scaramucci who is deeply contemplative. Unlike those who treat reading as a pretext to name-drop a title they have half-skimmed, Scaramucci’s literary range is authentic and impressive.

On stage, on his podcast, and in our conversation, Scaramucci effortlessly weaves in references—along with plenty of profanity—to the historian Barbara Tuchman; Thomas Hobbes’ Leviathan; and The Art of Chemistry, a popular 2023 novel about a California woman who perseveres in science in the face of blatant sexism.

Scaramucci’s love of the novel reflects another aspect of his personality: a perhaps unexpectedly feminist side. Katty Kay, a prominent former news broadcaster who cohosts The Rest is Politics: US, says that Scaramucci stands out from other men. “One of the things that my female friends particularly say they like about the podcast is the respect he shows me,” she tells me. It may seem a low bar, but Kay says this has been a refreshing change from other male coworkers, and a stark contrast with political forums where, she says, research shows men typically speak 30% more than women.

While Scaramucci was her second choice as cohost (she had initially sought the author Michael Lewis), his popularity with listeners has helped The Rest is Politics: US become the fast-growing political podcast in the world with over 7.5 million audio and YouTube plays every month. Kay attributes this success in part to Scaramucci’s ability to offer listeners—especially those outside the U.S.—a perspective they rarely hear: that of an American who grew up in the working class.

Scaramucci’s own politics, meanwhile, are hard to pin down. He describes himself as libertarian-leaning and faithful to the GOP, but was tapped as a surrogate for the Harris-Walz presidential campaign. He is vociferously anti-Trump but also impatient with the knee-jerk identity politics of some on the left. Most of all, though, Scaramucci is fixated upon an earlier era of American greatness—and aspects of it not captured by the MAGA movement.

He cites former Secretary of State Dean Acheson’s memoir Present at the Creation, about the U.S. creating a peaceful world from the ashes of World War II by helping its one-time enemies to rebuild. Juxtaposing it with the petty, retribution-driven political climate of today, he is struck by that American generation’s commitment to raising living standards worldwide, and reducing global conflict.

“They didn’t punish the vanquished,” he says. “They supported the vanquished. They built a world order. They integrated the system.”

Now, though, Scaramucci says the memory of the horrors, collective trauma, and brave sacrifices of the WWII era has faded from public memory, opening the door for would-be oligarchs to impose a new political order. Citing the UK historian Laurence Rees’s new book The Nazi Mind, he runs down the warning signs as he sees them in Trump’s actions: his spreading of conspiracy theories; the use of “us and them” rhetoric; leading as a hero; eliminating resistance; and so on.

And despite his own connections in Silicon Valley, Scaramucci worries that the so-called tech broligarchy, and their MAGA allies, are failing to carve out a place in society for ordinary Americans. He is particularly incensed by the current vogue among tech leaders for Curtis Yarvin, the once-fringe far-right blogger who proposes replacing U.S. democracy with a CEO-led monarchy.

Their prescription, Scaramucci warns, threatens to replace the American dream with a society where a small elite lives behind barbed wire in mansions, and ordinary people struggle for a decent living. This country, he says, needs a leader who has imbibed the lessons of history.

“If you had the right transformational leadership in the country, you could go to the American people and say, ‘Listen, here is your heritage, and here’s what your future could be,’” he says. “’Or you could have a dystopian future, which is what JD Vance wants you to have.’”

A future in politics?

All of this raises the question of whether Scaramucci has ambitions for political office himself. He certainly has the name recognition, with his 1 million X followers and large podcast audience. Scaramucci is also collaborating with the celebrity business professor and podcaster Scott Galloway to develop a mentorship program called Lost Boys to help boost young men—a demographic that is flailing badly, and one that the Democratic Party desperately needs to win back.

Could the Mooch complete his jester-to-statesman evolution by running as a charismatic centrist who can bring the U.S. into a post-partisan age? 

“Where would I run?” he asks when I put the question to him. “I can’t run as a Republican—that’s JD Vance’s party. Okay, so I’m gonna run in AOC’s party?” he scoffs, adding that his wife would castrate him if he tried to return to politics.

In any case, Scaramucci has a fund and crypto empire to run and a family to focus on, including his second son’s directorial debut at the Tribeca Film Festival, with a film titled, fittingly, Money Talk$. (Its main character is a $100 bill.) Kay, his podcast host, points out that he is also incapable of spending any length of time away from Long Island, where his mother, whom he sees often, and extended family all live close by.

“Some people have said, ‘If Trump is elected, I’m going to leave,’ or ‘If he starts coming after me, I’m going to leave,’” she says. “Anthony? He’s not going anywhere.”

As our interview wraps up, word is out that the Vatican has just chosen its first American pope, and Scaramucci rushes off to offer his two cents on a podcast, before it’s time to get onstage for his conference’s keynote address.

Being a politician or statesman may have its appeal one day, but for now, Scaramucci is having plenty of fun just being the Mooch.



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Nicotine pouches can be a better alternative to cigarettes says CEO

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Smoking is one of the clearest public-health failures of our time. More than 500,000 Americans still die each year from smoking-related illnesses, and globally the picture is even more alarming. In the United States, anti-smoking campaigns have reduced the number of new cigarette users, but the effectiveness of these measures may be fading. Indeed, the headline of a widely-shared news story notes “Celebrities Are Making Smoking Cigarettes Cool Again”. Yikes. Meanwhile, a quick trip to Mexico, Europe, or Asia is enough to see that cigarettes remain very much in style.

Reducing cigarette use, and preventing a new generation from getting hooked on nicotine, is a noble goal. That is one reason James Monsees and Adam Bowen founded the vape company JUUL Labs, as a potentially less harmful alternative for adult smokers. But a mix of regulatory missteps by a hostile FDA and market loopholes opened the door to a wave of counterfeit and bootleg vapes, often imported from China, sold in local stores, highly addictive, and completely unregulated. Many people became sick from using vapes with unknown ingredients. Teenagers were easily able to access bootleg vapes from China in youth-friendly flavors. What began as an idealistic goal—moving adult smokers off of cigarettes—turned into a new epidemic. 

Now we have two problems: cigarettes and vapes.

I believe science and technology can solve both. I was a tobacco user who became addicted to vaping. I tried everything to quit and cut down my nicotine use. Eventually, I discovered Swedish-style white pouches. That experience led me to create Sesh+, a premium, tobacco-free nicotine pouch made with transparent ingredients. It has been life-changing for me personally: I haven’t picked up a vape since switching to pouches. In Sweden, where oral nicotine products have been widely used for decades, smoking rates are among the lowest in Europe and smoking-related disease is correspondingly lower.

There is growing evidence that nicotine itself, while addictive, is not what primarily causes smoking-related disease; it’s the toxic byproducts of combustion that kill. With vaping, the concern is different: it’s the lack of transparency and quality standards that should alarm us. As a health-conscious consumer, I want to know exactly what I’m putting into my body. That’s why our pouches are independently lab-tested for contaminants like heavy metals and are manufactured in the United States under strict quality controls. 

Fake nicotine pouches are already in the U.S. market. Sofia Hamilton writes for Reason that her favorite convenience store unknowingly sells counterfeit nicotine pouches, and how only someone deeply familiar with FDA nicotine rules could tell the difference. No one should have to be a nicotine policy expert just to know whether a product is safe.

Important questions remain. We do not want to create a product that attracts people who don’t already use nicotine. The average Sesh+ customer is over 35, and I’m very proud of that. Early data is encouraging: a recent Rutgers study found that new nicotine users taking up pouches remains very low. Government has a responsibility to keep black-market and counterfeit pouches out of consumers’ hands. Industry must ensure retailers are educated and know what they’re selling. And we need strong youth prevention laws.

Nicotine pouches will only be effective if industry and government work together to ensure we are not attracting youth or non-nicotine users.

In the U.K., the proposed Tobacco and Vapes Bill would ban people born in or after 2009 from ever purchasing nicotine products. In the United States, we have already raised the legal age to buy tobacco to 21. These are the kinds of measures our industry should support. If the legislation in the U.K. passes, I hope other countries will adopt similar policies to prevent youth from accessing nicotine products. I also hope to see product-verification technology adopted as an industry standard so counterfeit nicotine products never reach consumers. Age verification is not enough; we must ensure a market for counterfeit and bootleg nicotine pouches does not emerge.

If companies in the nicotine pouch space work together, we can learn from JUUL’s experience and avoid repeating the same mistakes. Our responsibility is clear: help adult smokers move to potentially less harmful alternatives, without creating a new generation of nicotine users. If we get this right, a world free from tobacco is not just aspirational. It’s achievable.

Max Cunningham is the CEO of Sesh+, a nicotine pouch company based in Austin, Texas and backed by 8VC. The opinions expressed in Fortune.com commentary pieces are solely the views of their authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Fortune.



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Kevin Hassett says Trump’s opinion would have ‘no weight’ on the FOMC

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National Economic Council Director Kevin Hassett, one of the top contenders to replace Jerome Powell as Federal Reserve chair, downplayed any role that President Donald Trump’s opinion would have in setting interest rates.

That’s despite Trump repeatedly insisting that he ought to have some say on monetary policy. Most recently, he said Friday his voice should be heard because “I’ve made a lot of money.”

In an interview Sunday on CBS’ Face the Nation, Hassett said Trump has “very strong and well founded views” but pointed out that the Fed is independent, with the chairman tasked with driving consensus among other policymakers on the rate-setting Federal Open Market Committee.

“But in the end, it’s a committee that votes,” he added. “And I’d be happy to talk to the president every day until both of us are dead because it’s so much fun to talk, even if I were Fed chair of if I wasn’t Fed chair.”

Hassett said he hopes Kevin Warsh, a former Fed governor who is also being considered for the chairmanship, would talk to the president as well if he becomes Fed chief.

Trump told the Wall Street Journal on Friday that Warsh was at the top of his list and said “the two Kevins are great.”

The comment surprised Wall Street, which had overwhelming odds on Hassett as the favorite. On the prediction market Kalshi, the probability that he will be nominated as Fed chair has plunged to 50% from 80.6% earlier this month, while Warsh’s odds shot up to 41% from 11%.

Trump has said he will nominate a Fed chair in early 2026, with Powell’s term due to expire in May. Until then, the contenders have time to make their case. According to the Journal, Trump met Warsh on Wednesday at the White House and pressed him on whether he could be trusted to back rate cuts. 

When asked on Sunday if Trump’s voice would have equal weighting to the voting members on the FOMC, Hassett replied, “no, he would have no weight.”

“His opinion matters if it’s good, if it’s based on data,” he explained. “And then if you go to the committee and you say, ‘well the president made this argument, and that’s a really sound argument, I think. What do you think?’ If they reject it, then they’ll vote in a different way.”

For his part, Hassett has regularly supported more easing and is one of Trump’s fiercest economic surrogates. But since joining Trump’s second administration, some of Hassett’s previous colleagues have expressed alarm over signs he’s serving more as a political loyalist.

He has become a regular presence on cable news, defending Trump’s policy priorities, downplaying unfavorable data, and echoing the White House line on everything from inflation to the legitimacy of federal statistics.

Meanwhile, the Fed’s early reappointment of its regional bank presidents eased concerns the central bank would soon lose its independence as Trump continues demanding steeper rate cuts.

That’s after the administration floated a district residency requirement for Fed presidents—an idea Hassett backed—raising fears it was seeking a wider leadership shake-up.

“If I’m reading this properly, they just Trump-proofed the Fed,” Justin Wolfers, a professor of public policy and economics at the University of Michigan, wrote in a post on X about the reappointment announcement.



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Police have person of interest in custody over Brown Univ. shooting that killed 2, wounded 9

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Police in Rhode Island said early Sunday that they had a person of interest in custody after a shooting that rocked the Brown University campus during final exams, leaving two people dead and nine others wounded.

Col. Oscar Perez, chief of the Providence police, confirmed at a news conference that the detained person was in their 30s and that authorities are not currently searching for anyone else. He declined to say whether the person was connected to the university.

Separately, an FBI agent said that the arrest occurred at a Hampton Inn hotel in Coventry, about 20 miles (32 kilometers) from Providence. Officers remained on the scene there, with police tape blocking off a hallway.

The shooting erupted Saturday afternoon in the engineering building of the Ivy League school in Providence, Rhode Island, during final exams. Hundreds of police officers had scoured the Brown University campus along with nearby neighborhoods and pored over video in pursuit of a shooter who opened fire in a classroom.

Armed with a handgun, the shooter fired more than 40 9mm rounds, according to a law enforcement official. Authorities as of Sunday morning hadn’t recovered a gun but did recover two loaded 30-round magazines, said the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to publicly discuss the investigation.

University officials on Sunday canceled all classes, exams, papers and projects for the remainder of the fall semester and said students were free to leave. Those who remain on campus will have access to services and support, Provost Francis Doyle said in a statement.

“At this time, it is essential that we focus our efforts on providing care and support to the members of our community as we grapple with the sorrow, fear and anxiety that is impacting all of us right now,” Doyle wrote.

Providence leaders warned that residents will notice a heavier police presence on Sunday. Many local businesses announced they would remain closed and expressed shock and heartbreak as the community continued to process the news of the shooting.

“Everybody’s reeling, and we have a lot of recovery ahead of us,” Brown University President Christina Paxson said at the news conference. “Our community’s strong and we’ll get through it, but it’s devastating.”

Surveillance video released by police showed a suspect, dressed in black, calmly walking away from the scene.

Earlier, Paxson said she was told 10 people who were shot were students. Another person was injured by fragments from the shooting but it was not clear if the victim was a student, she said.

The search for the shooter paralyzed the campus, the nearby neighborhoods filled with stately brick homes and the downtown in Rhode Island’s capital city until a shelter-in-place order was lifted early Sunday. Streets normally bustling with activity on weekends were eerily quiet. Officers in tactical gear led students out of some campus buildings and into a fitness center where they waited. Others arrived at the shelter on buses without jackets or any belongings.

Mayor advised people to stay home

Investigators were not immediately sure how the shooter got inside the first-floor classroom. Outer doors of the building were unlocked but rooms being used for final exams required badge access, Providence Mayor Brett Smiley said.

Smiley was emotional as he discussed the city’s efforts to prepare for a mass shooting.

“We all, intellectually, knew it could happen anywhere, including here, but that’s not the same as it happening in our community, and so this is an incredibly upsetting and emotional time for Providence, for Brown, for all of us,” he said. “It’s not something that we should have to train for, but we have.”

Nine people with gunshot wounds were taken to Rhode Island Hospital, where one was in critical condition. Six required intensive care but were not getting worse and two were stable, hospital spokesperson Kelly Brennan said.

Exams were underway during shooting

Engineering design exams were underway when the shooting occurred in the Barus & Holley building, a seven-story complex that houses the School of Engineering and physics department. The building includes more than 100 laboratories, dozens of classrooms and offices, according to the university’s website.

Emma Ferraro, a chemical engineering student, was in the building’s lobby working on a final project when she heard loud pops coming from the east side. Once she realized they were gunshots, she darted for the door and ran to a nearby building where she sheltered for several hours.

Former ‘Survivor’ contestant just left the building

Eva Erickson, a doctoral candidate who was the runner-up earlier this year on the CBS reality competition show “Survivor,” said she left her lab in the engineering building 15 minutes before shots rang out.

The engineering and thermal science student shared candid moments on “Survivor” as the show’s first openly autistic contestant. She was locked down in the campus gym following the shooting and shared on social media that the only other member of her lab who was present was safely evacuated.

Brown senior biochemistry student Alex Bruce was working on a final research project in his dorm directly across the street from the building when he heard sirens outside.

“I’m just in here shaking,” he said, watching through the window as armed officers surrounded his dorm.

Students hid under desks

Students in a nearby lab turned off the lights and hid under desks after receiving an alert about the shooting, said Chiangheng Chien, a doctoral student in engineering who was about a block away from the scene.

Mari Camara, 20, a junior from New York City, was coming out of the library and rushed inside a taqueria to seek shelter. She spent more than three hours there, texting friends while police searched the campus.

“Everyone is the same as me, shocked and terrified that something like this happened,” she said.

Brown, the seventh oldest higher education institution in the U.S., is one of the nation’s most prestigious colleges with roughly 7,300 undergraduates and more than 3,000 graduate students. Tuition, housing and other fees run to nearly $100,000 per year, according to the university.



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