Politics
Vicki Lopez takes the helm on boating safety in 2025 Session
Published
2 weeks agoon
By
May Greene
For the past two years, Rep. Vicki Lopez made condo reform her top focus in Tallahassee. She’s still pursuing that effort this year, but she’s also carrying legislation to ensure Florida’s waters are as safe as its shores.
One bill (HB 289) has already cleared the House unanimously and awaits a vote in the Senate. Another (HB 481) received uniform support in both of its committees and pends a full vote by the lower chamber.
HB 289 is titled “Lucy’s Law” after 17-year-old Miami high schooler Luciana Fernandez, who died in a September 2022 boat crash that injured several other passengers. If passed, the measure would make it a third-degree felony to leave the scene of a waterborne accident that hurts someone.
Leaving an accident that causes a serious bodily injury would increase the charge to a second-degree felony, while leaving a fatal crash would be a first-degree felony.
Third-, second- and first-degree felonies are punishable by up to five, 15 and 30 years in prison, respectively, with fines of between $5,000 and $10,000.
The bill, which Lopez is sponsoring with fellow Republican Rep. Vanessa Oliver, would also maintain boating safety education requirements and criminalize knowingly providing false information on boat reports as a misdemeanor.
Lopez, a Miami lawmaker, has stressed that the impact of HB 289 will extend far beyond Miami-Dade County’s bounds.
“This will help every single boater and every single person who enjoys the waters throughout our state,” she said.
She commended Fernandez’s family, who spoke to lawmakers during the committee process about the importance of “Lucy’s Law” and turning their pain into a positive change for Florida.
“They seemingly have taken a tragedy and have determined that Lucy would not die in vain, that her memory would (help) all know that it is absolute mayhem on the water,” she said.
HB 289’s upper-chamber companion (SB 628) by Fort Myers Republican Sen. Jonathan Martin has also received nothing but “yes” votes. It has only the Senate Fiscal Policy Committee to clear before going to a floor vote.
HB 481, meanwhile, addresses mooring regulation. The bill and its Senate analog (SB 866), also by Martin, would enable counties with 1.5 million residents or more — Miami-Dade, Broward, Hillsborough and Palm Beach, currently — to regulate vessels that anchor overnight within their jurisdiction, among other things.
Lopez said in a statement that increased congestion in Florida’s waterways, environmental damage and safety risks “demand decisive action,” and HB 481 is just that.
“Current regulation leaves gaps that threaten the well-being of boaters and the health of our marine ecosystem. HB 481 addresses these issues by empowering local governments to establish stricter anchoring zones in heavily impacted regions … reduces anchoring periods in designated areas and expands protections to critical environmental zones and sensitive waterways,” she said.
“This important piece of legislation is essential to preserving Florida’s waterways for generations to come. It reflects our commitment to sustainable marine practices, community safety, and responsible waterway stewardship. By enacting these measures, we send a clear message: safeguarding our natural resources and protecting the boating community are top priorities.”
Lopez has proven an effective, moderate policymaker since winning her House District 113 seat in 2022. In her freshman House term, she passed well over half her bills, including 75% of those she carried this past Session.
Some were ambitious proposals. She was the House sponsor for the Live Local Act, a seismic measure meant to address Florida’s affordable housing shortage that critics argued preempted local growth controls while giving too much to developers.
She also tackled the thankless task of fixing the state’s post-Surfside condo safety law, which still needs more work, and created a pilot program that extended home-hardening grants to condo owners.
Her legislative victories, including nearly $26 million in appropriations, came despite her votes against her party’s six-week abortion ban and proposal to roll back age restrictions on long rifle purchases the Legislature passed after the 2018 Parkland massacre.
She won re-election in November with 55% of the vote.
___
Janelle Irwin Taylor and Ryan Nicol of Florida Politics contributed to this report.
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Politics
Safety Net hospitals top statewide, national Match Rates
Published
13 minutes agoon
April 21, 2025By
May Greene
Florida hospitals have dramatically increased the number of available and filled residency positions in recent years, according to a new report from the Safety Net Hospital Alliance of Florida.
The report, Florida Hospital GME Match Rates & Quality, provides a data-based assessment of the quality of Florida’s Graduate Medical Education (GME) programs. Among the findings: More medical school graduates are choosing to do their residency at Safety Net Hospitals over any other type of Florida hospital.
“Hospitals in Florida have made enormous strides in increasing the number of medical residents each year. Our members are the top hospitals in the state and the country, so it is no surprise that more physicians-in-training are choosing to do their residency programs with us over any other place,” said SNHAF CEO Justin Senior.
“What is most exciting is not only that we get to keep top talent in Florida, but also that the more we train residents here, the more we will be able to head off Florida’s projected shortfall in physicians predicted for 2035. Florida is among the Top 4 states in the nation for retaining physicians who do their residency here. That is worth bragging about.”
The report reveals that Safety Net Hospital Alliance members’ Match Rate — a measurement of hospitals’ success in filling their empty residency slots — is significantly higher than Florida’s overall Match Rate and higher than the national Match Rate. National research has shown that high Match Rates correlate with high quality in a hospital program.
Data for 2020-2024 shows Safety Net Hospital Alliance members matched with 6,632 new residents, filling 93.8% of their resident slots, putting Alliance members more than six points above the statewide Match Rate of 87.18%.
Looking only at 2024 data, Alliance members had a 91.50% Match Rate, besting the state rate of 86.48% and national rate of 91.24%.
Six of the eight Florida hospitals producing over 350 Matches, and eight of the 13 hospitals producing over 200 Matches are Safety Net Alliance members. The report also found that four of the 10 hospitals achieving a 100% Match Rate every year while operating more than one GME program are are Safety Net Alliance members that began providing GME in the last 10 years. Further, 12 of the 13 hospitals producing over 200 Matches were not-for-profit or public hospitals.
“In the GME Match process, medical school graduates select the hospital GME programs where they hope to train; at the same time hospitals are identifying the medical school graduates they would like to accept into their GME programs. We know that the quality level of a hospital’s GME program is the main thing medical school graduates consider when preparing the list of the hospitals where they hope train. It’s something to celebrate that our member hospitals’ GME programs are highly sought-after and produce the highest Match Rates year after year,” SNHAF President & COO Lindy Kennedy said.
Senior added, “Florida policy makers have proven that investing in GME increases the number of doctors providing care to Floridians. When this investment began in 2014, the number of GME residency slots had consistently hovered at 3,000 FTEs each year. Over the last 10 years that number has more than doubled as there are now over 7,150 new doctor training slots in Florida.”
Safety Net Hospital Alliance members have contributed more than $1 billion to state coffers to help pay for GME programs. Thus far, Safety Net Hospital Alliance members have voluntarily paid for the creation of 2,873 new doctor training slots at hospitals across the state.
Last spring, the Safety Net Hospital Alliance announced the creation of 663 new GME physician training slots via the GME Startup Bonus Program, a program that was founded in 2015 and primarily funded by two Safety Net Hospital Alliance members — UF Health Shands and Jackson Health System. The program has added GME slots at Safety Net members and non-members alike.
In addition to UF Health and Jackson Health, Safety Net Hospital Alliance members include Ascension Florida, Broward Health, Halifax Health, Johns Hopkins All Children’s Hospital, Lee Health, Memorial Healthcare System, Mount Sinai Medical Center, Nicklaus Children’s Hospital, Orlando Health, Sarasota Memorial Health Care System and Tampa General Hospital.
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Politics
Pope Francis, first Latin American pontiff who ministered with a charming, humble style, dies at 88
Published
3 hours agoon
April 21, 2025By
May Greene
Pope Francis, history’s first Latin American pontiff who charmed the world with his humble style and concern for the poor but alienated conservatives with critiques of capitalism and climate change, has died Monday. He was 88.
“At 7:35 this morning, the Bishop of Rome, Francis, returned to the home of the Father. His entire life was dedicated to the service of the Lord and of his Church,″ Cardinal Kevin Farrell, the Vatican camerlengo, said in an announcement.
Bells tolled in church towers across Rome after the announcement.
Francis, who suffered from chronic lung disease and had part of one lung removed as a young man, was admitted to Gemelli hospital on Feb. 14, 2025, for a respiratory crisis that developed into double pneumonia. He spent 38 days there, the longest hospitalization of his 12-year papacy.
From his first greeting as pope — a remarkably normal “Buonasera” (“Good evening”) — to his embrace of refugees and the downtrodden, Francis signaled a very different tone for the papacy, stressing humility over hubris for a Catholic Church beset by scandal and accusations of indifference.
After that rainy night on March 13, 2013, the Argentine-born Jorge Mario Bergoglio brought a breath of fresh air into a 2,000-year-old institution that had seen its influence wane during the troubled tenure of Pope Benedict XVI, whose surprise resignation led to Francis’ election.
But Francis soon invited troubles of his own, and conservatives grew increasingly upset with his progressive bent, outreach to LGBTQ+ Catholics and crackdown on traditionalists. His greatest test came in 2018 when he botched a notorious case of clergy sexual abuse in Chile, and the scandal that festered under his predecessors erupted anew on his watch.
And then Francis, the crowd-loving, globe-trotting pope of the peripheries, navigated the unprecedented reality of leading a universal religion through the coronavirus pandemic from a locked-down Vatican City.
He implored the world to use COVID as an opportunity to rethink the economic and political framework that he said had turned rich against poor.
“We have realized that we are on the same boat, all of us fragile and disoriented,” Francis told an empty St. Peter’s Square in March 2020. But he also stressed the pandemic showed the need for “all of us to row together, each of us in need of comforting the other.”
Reforming the Vatican
Francis was elected on a mandate to reform the Vatican bureaucracy and finances but went further in shaking up the church without changing its core doctrine. “Who am I to judge?” he replied when asked about a purportedly gay priest.
The comment sent a message of welcome to the LGBTQ+ community and those who felt shunned by a church that had stressed sexual propriety over unconditional love. “Being homosexual is not a crime,” he told The Associated Press in 2023, urging an end to civil laws that criminalize it.
Stressing mercy, Francis changed the church’s position on the death penalty, calling it inadmissible in all circumstances. He also declared the possession of nuclear weapons, not just their use, was “immoral.”
In other firsts, he approved an agreement with China over bishop nominations that had vexed the Vatican for decades, met the Russian patriarch and charted new relations with the Muslim world by visiting the Arabian Peninsula and Iraq.
He reaffirmed the all-male, celibate priesthood and upheld the church’s opposition to abortion, equating it to “hiring a hitman to solve a problem.”
Roles for women
But he added women to important decision-making roles and allowed them to serve as lectors and acolytes in parishes. He let women vote alongside bishops in periodic Vatican meetings, following longstanding complaints that women do much of the church’s work but are barred from power.
Sister Nathalie Becquart, whom Francis named to one of the highest Vatican jobs, said his legacy was a vision of a church where men and women existed in a relationship of reciprocity and respect.
“It was about shifting a pattern of domination — from human being to the creation, from men to women — to a pattern of cooperation,” said Becquart, the first woman to hold a voting position in a Vatican synod.
The church as refuge
While Francis did not allow women to be ordained, the voting reform was part of a revolutionary change in emphasizing what the church should be: a refuge for everyone — “todos, todos, todos” (“everyone, everyone, everyone”) — not for the privileged few. Migrants, the poor, prisoners and outcasts were invited to his table far more than presidents or powerful CEOs.
“For Pope Francis, it was always to extend the arms of the church to embrace all people, not to exclude anyone,” said Farrell, whom Francis named as camerlengo, taking charge after a pontiff’s death or retirement.
Francis demanded his bishops apply mercy and charity to their flocks, pressed the world to protect God’s creation from climate disaster, and challenged countries to welcome those fleeing war, poverty and oppression.
After visiting Mexico in 2016, Francis said of then-U.S. presidential candidate Donald Trump that anyone building a wall to keep migrants out “is not Christian.”
While progressives were thrilled with Francis’ radical focus on Jesus’ message of mercy and inclusion, it troubled conservatives who feared he watered down Catholic teaching and threatened the very Christian identity of the West. Some even called him a heretic.
A few cardinals openly challenged him. Francis usually responded with his typical answer to conflict: silence.
He made it easier for married Catholics to get an annulment, allowed priests to absolve women who had had abortions and decreed that priests could bless same-sex couples. He opened debate on issues like homosexuality and divorce, giving pastors wiggle room to discern how to accompany their flocks, rather than handing them strict rules to apply.
St. Francis of Assisi as a model
Francis lived in the Vatican hotel instead of the Apostolic Palace, wore his old orthotic shoes and not the red loafers of the papacy, and rode in compact cars. It wasn’t a gimmick.
“I see clearly that the thing the church needs most today is the ability to heal wounds and to warm the hearts of the faithful,” he told a Jesuit journal in 2013. “I see the church as a field hospital after battle.”
If becoming the first Latin American and first Jesuit pope wasn’t enough, Francis was also the first to name himself after St. Francis of Assisi, the 13th century friar known for personal simplicity, a message of peace, and care for nature and society’s outcasts.
Francis sought out the unemployed, the sick, the disabled and the homeless. He formally apologized to Indigenous peoples for the crimes of the church from colonial times onward.
And he himself suffered: He had part of his colon removed in 2021, then needed more surgery in 2023 to repair a painful hernia and remove intestinal scar tissue. Starting in 2022 he regularly used a wheelchair or cane because of bad knees, and endured bouts of bronchitis.
He went to society’s fringes to minister with mercy: caressing the grossly deformed head of a man in St. Peter’s Square, kissing the tattoo of a Holocaust survivor, or inviting Argentina’s garbage scavengers to join him onstage in Rio de Janeiro.
“We have always been marginalized, but Pope Francis always helped us,” said Coqui Vargas, a transgender woman whose Roman community forged a unique relationship with Francis during the pandemic.
His first trip as pope was to the island of Lampedusa, then the epicenter of Europe’s migration crisis. He consistently chose to visit poor countries where Christians were often persecuted minorities, rather than the centers of global Catholicism.
Friend and fellow Argentine, Bishop Marcelo Sánchez Sorondo, said his concern for the poor and disenfranchised was based on the Beatitudes — the eight blessings Jesus delivered in the Sermon on the Mount for the meek, the merciful, the poor in spirit and others.
“Why are the Beatitudes the program of this pontificate? Because they were the basis of Jesus Christ’s own program,” Sánchez said.
Missteps on sexual abuse scandal
But more than a year passed before Francis met with survivors of priestly sexual abuse, and victims’ groups initially questioned whether he really understood the scope of the problem.
Francis did create a sex abuse commission to advise the church on best practices, but it lost its influence after a few years and its recommendation of a tribunal to judge bishops who covered up for predator priests went nowhere.
And then came the greatest crisis of his papacy, when he discredited Chilean abuse victims in 2018 and stood by a controversial bishop linked to their abuser. Realizing his error, Francis invited the victims to the Vatican for a personal mea culpa and summoned the leadership of the Chilean church to resign en masse.
As that crisis concluded, a new one erupted over ex-Cardinal Theodore McCarrick, the retired archbishop of Washington and a counselor to three popes.
Francis had actually moved swiftly to sideline McCarrick amid an accusation he had molested a teenage altar boy in the 1970s. But Francis nevertheless was accused by the Vatican’s one-time U.S. Ambassador of having rehabilitated McCarrick early in his papacy.
Francis eventually defrocked McCarrick after a Vatican investigation determined he sexually abused adults as well as minors. He changed church law to remove the pontifical secret surrounding abuse cases and enacted procedures to investigate bishops who abused or covered for their pedophile priests, seeking to end impunity for the hierarchy.
“He sincerely wanted to do something and he transmitted that,” said Juan Carlos Cruz, a Chilean abuse survivor Francis discredited who later developed a close friendship with the pontiff.
A change from Benedict
The road to Francis’ 2013 election was paved by Pope Benedict XVI’s decision to resign and retire — the first in 600 years — and it created the unprecedented reality of two popes living in the Vatican.
Francis didn’t shy from Benedict’s potentially uncomfortable shadow. He embraced him as an elder statesman and adviser, coaxing him out of his cloistered retirement to participate in the public life of the church.
“It’s like having your grandfather in the house, a wise grandfather,” Francis said.
Francis praised Benedict by saying he “opened the door” to others following suit, fueling speculation that Francis also might retire. But after Benedict’s death on Dec. 31, 2022, he asserted that in principle the papacy is a job for life.
Francis’ looser liturgical style and pastoral priorities made clear he and the German-born theologian came from very different religious traditions, and Francis directly overturned several decisions of his predecessor.
He made sure Salvadoran Archbishop Óscar Romero, a hero to the liberation theology movement in Latin America, was canonized after his case languished under Benedict over concerns about the credo’s Marxist bent.
Francis reimposed restrictions on celebrating the old Latin Mass that Benedict had relaxed, arguing the spread of the Tridentine Rite was divisive. The move riled Francis’ traditionalist critics and opened sustained conflict between right-wing Catholics, particularly in the U.S., and the Argentine pope.
Conservatives oppose Francis
By then, conservatives had already turned away from Francis, betrayed after he opened debate on allowing remarried Catholics to receive the sacraments if they didn’t get an annulment — a church ruling that their first marriage was invalid.
“We don’t like this pope,” headlined Italy’s conservative daily Il Foglio a few months into the papacy, reflecting the unease of the small but vocal traditionalist Catholic movement that was coddled under Benedict.
Those same critics amplified their complaints after Francis’ approved church blessings for same-sex couples, and a controversial accord with China over nominating bishops.
Its details were never released, but conservative critics bashed it as a sellout to communist China, while the Vatican defended it as the best deal it could get with Beijing.
U.S. Cardinal Raymond Burke, a figurehead in the anti-Francis opposition, said the church had become “like a ship without a rudder.”
Burke waged his opposition campaign for years, starting when Francis fired him as the Vatican’s supreme court justice and culminating with his vocal opposition to Francis’ 2023 synod on the church’s future.
Twice, he joined other conservative cardinals in formally asking Francis to explain himself on doctrine issues reflecting a more progressive bent, including on the possibility of same-sex blessings and his outreach to divorced and civilly remarried Catholics.
Francis eventually sanctioned Burke financially, accusing him of sowing “disunity.” It was one of several personnel moves he made in both the Vatican and around the world to shift the balance of power from doctrinaire leaders to more pastoral ones.
Francis insisted his bishops and cardinals imbue themselves with the “odor of their flock” and minister to the faithful, voicing displeasure when they didn’t.
His 2014 Christmas address to the Vatican Curia was one of the greatest public papal reprimands ever: Standing in the marbled Apostolic Palace, Francis ticked off 15 ailments that he said can afflict his closest collaborators, including “spiritual Alzheimer’s,” lusting for power and the “terrorism of gossip.”
Trying to eliminate corruption, Francis oversaw the reform of the scandal-marred Vatican bank and sought to wrestle Vatican bureaucrats into financial line, limiting their compensation and ability to receive gifts or award public contracts.
He authorized Vatican police to raid his own secretariat of state and the Vatican’s financial watchdog agency amid suspicions about a 350 million euro investment in a London real estate venture. After a 2 1/2-year trial, the Vatican tribunal convicted a once-powerful cardinal, Angelo Becciu, of embezzlement and returned mixed verdicts to nine others, acquitting one.
The trial, though, proved to be a reputational boomerang for the Holy See, showing deficiencies in the Vatican’s legal system, unseemly turf battles among monsignors, and how the pope had intervened on behalf of prosecutors.
While earning praise for trying to turn the Vatican’s finances around, Francis angered U.S. conservatives for his frequent excoriation of the global financial market that favors the rich over the poor.
Economic justice was an important themes of his papacy, and he didn’t hide it in his first meeting with journalists when he said he wanted a “poor church that is for the poor.”
In his first major teaching document, “The Joy of the Gospel,” Francis denounced trickle-down economic theories as unproven and naive, based on a mentality “where the powerful feed upon the powerless” with no regard for ethics, the environment or even God.
“Money must serve, not rule!” he said in urging political reforms.
He elaborated on that in his major eco-encyclical “Praised Be,” denouncing the “structurally perverse” global economic system that he said exploited the poor and risked turning Earth into “an immense pile of filth.”
Some U.S. conservatives branded Francis a Marxist. He jabbed back by saying he had many friends who were Marxists.
Soccer, opera and prayer
Born Dec. 17, 1936, in Buenos Aires, Jorge Mario Bergoglio was the eldest of five children of Italian immigrants.
He credited his devout grandmother Rosa with teaching him how to pray. Weekends were spent listening to opera on the radio, going to Mass and attending matches of the family’s beloved San Lorenzo soccer club. As pope, his love of soccer brought him a huge collection of jerseys from visitors.
He said he received his religious calling at 17 while going to confession, recounting in a 2010 biography that, “I don’t know what it was, but it changed my life. … I realized that they were waiting for me.”
He entered the diocesan seminary but switched to the Jesuit order in 1958, attracted to its missionary tradition and militancy.
Around this time, he suffered from pneumonia, which led to the removal of the upper part of his right lung. His frail health prevented him from becoming a missionary, and his less-than-robust lung capacity was perhaps responsible for his whisper of a voice and reluctance to sing at Mass.
On Dec. 13, 1969, he was ordained a priest, and immediately began teaching. In 1973, he was named head of the Jesuits in Argentina, an appointment he later acknowledged was “crazy” given he was only 36. “My authoritarian and quick manner of making decisions led me to have serious problems and to be accused of being ultraconservative,” he admitted in his Civilta Cattolica interview.
Life under Argentina’s dictatorship
His six-year tenure as provincial coincided with Argentina’s murderous 1976-83 dictatorship, when the military launched a campaign against left-wing guerrillas and other regime opponents.
Bergoglio didn’t publicly confront the junta and was accused of effectively allowing two slum priests to be kidnapped and tortured by not publicly endorsing their work.
He refused for decades to counter that version of events. Only in a 2010 authorized biography did he finally recount the behind-the-scenes lengths he used to save them, persuading the family priest of feared dictator Jorge Videla to call in sick so he could say Mass instead. Once in the junta leader’s home, Bergoglio privately appealed for mercy. Both priests were eventually released, among the few to have survived prison.
As pope, accounts began to emerge of the many people — priests, seminarians and political dissidents — whom Bergoglio actually saved during the “dirty war,” letting them stay incognito at the seminary or helping them escape the country.
Bergoglio went to Germany in 1986 to research a never-finished thesis. Returning to Argentina, he was stationed in Cordoba during a period he described as a time of “great interior crisis.” Out of favor with more progressive Jesuit leaders, he was eventually rescued from obscurity in 1992 by St. John Paul II, who named him an auxiliary bishop of Buenos Aires. He became archbishop six years later, and was made a cardinal in 2001.
He came close to becoming pope in 2005 when Benedict was elected, gaining the second-most votes in several rounds of balloting before bowing out.
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Politics
Florida bump stock bills get no play in 2025
Published
3 hours agoon
April 21, 2025By
May Greene
Legislation on bump stocks, devices that use the recoil of a semi-automatic rifle so that it fires at near-automatic speed, hasn’t gotten any consideration at the Capitol this year.
That includes a pair of bills (SB 1234, HB 6013) to repeal Florida’s ban on them and another legislative couplet to hike penalties for their use (SB 254, HB 1621).
With most committee action winding down, bills that haven’t been heard in committee yet are likely dead.
Florida’s bump stock ban went into effect March 9, 2018, less than a month after the deadliest school shooting in the state’s history. It was part of a sweeping gun safety package called the “Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School Public Safety Act,” which also added a three-day waiting period for gun purchases and hiked the age limit to buy long rifles to 21.
President Donald Trump’s first administration imposed a national ban on bump stocks nine months later. The move, while close to the Marjory Stoneman Douglas shooting, was more in response to the October 2017 massacre in Las Vegas, where a shooter used the device. The high school shooter did not.
But on June 14, 2023, the Supreme Court ruled 6-3 that the Trump administration did not follow federal law in implementing the ban and that the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives (ATF) had overstepped its authority.
That ruling inspired Palm City Republican Rep. Toby Overdorf to file HB 6013, his first bill of the 2025 Session. He told Florida Politics in February that the state’s law should comport with federal law.
“I would like for state law to comply with federal law,” he said, adding, “I’m a strong supporter of the Second Amendment. This is an infringement upon the Second Amendment.”
He added that Gov. Ron DeSantis has advocated for reversing the ban, including during his brief presidential run.
Of note, while the Supreme Court ruled that bump stocks are not machine guns and therefore couldn’t be regulated as such by the ATF, the ruling did not prohibit states or federal legislators from making laws about bump stocks.
Boca Raton Democratic Sen. Tina Scott Polsky, who sponsored SB 254, said she’s been dismayed seeing her GOP colleagues in the Legislature repeatedly try to roll back gun safety laws.
“I don’t understand this backwards trend we’re seeing,” she said. “As the Senator of Parkland, I want to do everything I can to keep that good work going and go further to keep Floridians safe.”
If passed, SB 254 or HB 1621 would expand the definition of “machine gun” in Florida Statutes to include any firearm modified to fire at a rate that mimics an automatic weapon.
Possession of a machine gun in Florida is a second-degree felony, punishable by up to 15 years in prison for a first offense and $10,000 in fines.
Ocala Republican Sen. Stan McClain sponsored SB 1234. Homestead Democratic Rep. Kevin Chambliss filed HB 1621.
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