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Are Trump’s tariffs as bad as the Smoot-Hawley Act, which is blamed for deepening the Great Depression? They’re actually worse

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It’s Smoot-Hawley all over again! At least by this reporter’s calculations, the sweeping tariff regime that President Trump unveiled following the market close on April 2 literally lifts America’s duties on imports to roughly the same level that the much-reviled legislation took them to at the start of the Great Depression.

The ultraprotectionist Smoot-Hawley Act is widely blamed for deepening and prolonging the worst chapter in U.S. economic history. In a 1993 debate with independent presidential candidate Ross Perot on Larry King Live, then VP and free-trade advocate Al Gore brought an antique picture of the two senators, mocking them for a disastrous policy prescription that “sounded reasonable at the time.” Indeed, for the general public and a wide swath of trade experts, going the Smoot-Hawley route is the economic equivalent of shooting yourself in the foot.

The Trump announcement contained two big surprises. The first: The tariffs are much higher and more extensive than investors and businesses had expected, based on the President’s ever-changing, and at times relatively dovish, musings in the previous days and weeks. Second, the “retaliatory” tariffs were generally gigantic and bore no relation to the posted numerical duties the targeted nations impose on the U.S. For example, the EU slaps an average rate of 2.7% on our goods, according to the World Trade Organization. Yet Trump is piling across-the-board tariffs of 20% on the 27-nation bloc.

What explains the gap? The President reckons that the Community is really charging our exporters 39% via indirect trade barriers that encompass such roadblocks as quotas, technical standards, government procurement policies, and currency manipulation. That the President is imposing a penalty that’s 19 points lower than what the EU’s supposedly charging the U.S. may explain Trump’s claim that he’s being unnecessarily “kind” to our trading partners.

The just-released 2025 Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers compiled by the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative details these alleged restrictions for numerous countries. The administration, however, hasn’t disclosed how it arrived at the precise weight of all indirect barriers, which reach 52% for India and 67% for China, many multiples of the actual rupee or yuan tariffs they collect. It’s the administration’s partner by partner estimate of towering non-tariff walls that mostly explain why the announced rates are so shockingly high.

The key number is the average tariff Trump’s charging across all U.S. imports, and it’s big

Think tanks and Wall Street analysts are rushing to determine the average overall rate, and hence the total dollar charge, that the plan will slap on our imports. That’s also the number American consumers will pay in what amounts to higher taxes if indeed importers pass all the charges along in higher prices, precisely what happened when Trump heaped big duties on the likes of steel and aluminum in his first term. So, this writer calculated those numbers based on the percentage tariff for each nation and the EU, and the dollars in exports they sent Stateside in 2025. It proved perhaps my most head-spinning numerical exercise in several decades as a business reporter.

Trump hit all of the 12 largest exporters to the US with tariffs of at least 20%. China took the hardest punch at 54%, followed by Vietnam (46%), Thailand (36%), Taiwan (32%), Switzerland (31%), India (26%), Japan (24%), Mexico and Canada (25% each), South Korea (25%), Malaysia (24%), and the EU (20%). Fourteenth-ranked Indonesia got dinged 32%. Most of the other 150-plus nations on the list fall under the 10% “universal” tariff regime, including Singapore and Brazil, which sit in 13th and 14th place respectively in export volumes to the U.S.

The 13 heavily penalized supposed bad actors among the 15 largest exporters accounted for $2.92 trillion of foreign goods sold in the America last year. That’s over 70% of $4.11 trillion total. By my calculations, that group alone, based on last year’s numbers, would now be facing around $814 billion in annual duties, or an average rate of 28%. The remaining nations are generally subject to 10% duties on the $1.2 billion remainder, or $120 million. So, all in all, the new tariff bill would mushroom to around $932 billion (the $814 billion for the biggest exporters plus $120 billion for the generally smaller nations at 10%). That’s an average import duty of 22.7%.

How the Trump tariffs compare to Smoot-Hawley

In June of 1930, just eight months after the historic stock market crash that marked the start of the Great Depression, Congress enacted the Smoot-Hawley tariff law, championed by Senator Reed Smoot (R-Utah) and Representative Willis Hawley (R-Ore.). The nation had already turned toward protectionism, chiefly to protect farmers and industrial workers, eight years earlier when the Fordney-McCumber bill raised tariffs substantially, from the single digits to an average of 13.5%, where they stayed pre-Smoot-Hawley. The new law, designed to double down on shielding agricultural workers and folks toiling in the likes of steel and auto plants, raised imposed duties to over 50% on many products. Still, around two-thirds of U.S. imports remained tariff-free, so the average rate rose much less, by 6.3 points to just under 20%.

That’s slightly below the 22% or 23% I get for the Trump plan. And that’s stunning in itself. But the most astounding takeaway is that the Trump blueprint would raise today’s tariffs from the current 3% by nearly 20 points, or sevenfold! That’s three times the jump under Smoot-Hawley.

In the three years following the enactment of Smoot-Hawley, U.S. imports dropped by two-thirds, and, pounded by stiff retaliation from nations such as Germany, the U.K., and Canada, our sales abroad fell by a like percentage. According to most economists, the Trump tariffs are likely to unleash a sharp decline in both what we buy from foreigners and what our producers sell abroad in the years to come, and if the shrinkage in our global trading activity proves even a fraction of the disastrous collapse post-Smoot-Hawley, it’s bad news. The nonpartisan Tax Foundation, in estimates posted before the Trump announcement on April 2, reckoned that the new duties would curb GDP growth by 0.4% a year in the long term. That shaves around a quarter from the 2% or less expansion the CBO projects in the years ahead. And that forecast was based on the new tariffs hitting around half of the $4 trillion Trump targeted. Put simply, Trump rocked America by targeting everything big, meaning at least 10%, and most exports super-big.

Not all distinguished experts believe that Smoot-Hawley triggered the Great Depression. Nobel laureate Milton Friedman ascribed the collapse in the 1930s to overrestrictive monetary policy, and viewed Smoot-Hawley as only a minor factor. But a tariff increase that’s multiple of the one that almost a century ago, was advertised as a path to prosperity, and that at the very least proved a negative, isn’t encouraging. The Smoot-Hawley saga has an interesting coda involving the bill’s cosponsors: In the 1932 election, Hawley lost his primary; Smoot got waxed in the general election; and the Republicans shed 11 seats in one of the worst routs in the annals of senatorial elections.

So far, the markets hate the Trump plan. We’ll soon see if the voters follow suit.

This story was originally featured on Fortune.com



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To slow China’s tech advances, Trump should keep its factories addicted to cheap exports via low tariffs, economist says

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  • President Donald Trump’s approach to US-China trade has been to impose prohibitively high tariffs. While he just gave key tech imports a temporary reprieve, the rest of China’s producers still face tariffs of 145%. But if Trump wants to slow China’s technological progress, that’s the opposite of what he should be doing, an economist says.

President Donald Trump’s on-again, off-again tariffs have taken the global economy on a wild ride, but China has been his main target and faces prohibitively high duties.

While he just gave key tech imports a temporary reprieve, the rest of China’s producers still face tariffs of 145%, meaning toys, apparel and furniture made there will have to find new buyers.

The White House has signaled that shrinking the US-China trade deficit and reshoring manufacturing are top goals. But if it wants to slow China’s tech advances and ensure the US is dominant, then the administration needs to take a totally different approach, according to Keyu Jin, an associate professor of economics at the London School of Economics and the author of The New China Playbook. 

In an op-ed in the Financial Times on Thursday, she noted that technological leaps often emerge during times of conflict and that Trump’s trade war could ignite a surge of innovation.

“Tariffs don’t just alter trade flows—they redirect resources and reshape industrial structures,” Jin wrote. “If Trump’s goal was to curb China’s technological progress, he would keep tariffs low on the bulk of Chinese exports to the US, locking the country into low-margin basic manufacturing. He would encourage high-tech exports to China, making sure that progress in its advanced components stalls.”

But instead of US exports finding an easier way into China’s markets, they will hit a wall. Trump’s tariffs have been met with similar retaliation as China has imposed duties of 125% on the US.

At such levels, the opposing duties would bring trade between the world’s two largest economies to a virtual halt.

Jin predicted that the shock from Trump’s trade war will push China to divert more resources into higher-value, advanced technologies that compete with US products.

“Beijing has drawn its conclusion: innovation and core technology control is the only sustainable defense against tariffs,” she explained. “Companies with proprietary technology—like Huawei and BYD—are more insulated from tariffs and supply-chain shocks. China envisions a new tech supply-chain model: regional production, tech sovereignty and global supply-chain redundancy.”

While the Biden administration continued China tariffs that Trump imposed during his first administration, it also added restrictions on US tech exports like Nvidia’s most high-end chips to curb China’s progress in area like artificial intelligence, which could tip the scales in military prowess.

But such sanctions merely rerouted demand away from US supplies, and domestic Chinese chipmakers are reporting record revenues and reinvesting in R&D, Jin said.

She also pointed out that China’s DeepSeek, which shocked the tech industry earlier this year with its low-cost AI model that was comparable to US versions, was “born under constraint.”  Meanwhile, Beijing is also targeting photonic quantum computing, low-orbit satellites, and breakthroughs in chipmaking equipment while leading in factory robots.

Since Trump’s first-term tariffs, Chinese companies have been expanding into other markets around the world, including Africa. And they have significant room to grow beyond manufacturing by providing more services and digital infrastructure, Jin said.

Drawing a parallel with Napoleon’s trade embargo on Britain in the early 1800s, she argued that it prompted the British to turn to Asia, Africa and the Americas while also stoking more industrialization.

“The US may be repeating that mistake. If making America great again is its goal, Trump should not fear a comfortable China; he should fear a constrained one,” Jin warned.

This story was originally featured on Fortune.com



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Japan doesn’t plan to use US Treasuries as tariff talk leverage

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Japan isn’t planning to use its US Treasury holdings as a negotiation tool to counter US tariffs in talks scheduled between the two governments for April 17.

“As an ally, we would not intentionally take action against US government bonds, and causing market disruption is certainly not a good idea,” Liberal Democratic Party policy chief Itsunori Onodera said on public broadcaster NHK Sunday.

pullback from US Treasuries last week sent longer-term yields surging by the most since the pandemic struck in 2020, deepening losses in what’s supposed to be a haven from financial turmoil. Some investors speculated that global reserve managers including China could be re-evaluating their positions in US government debt given the impact of US President Donald Trump’s trade policies.

Read more: Japan Seeks to Calm Nerves as Tariffs Trigger Market Slide 

Japanese negotiators are seeking an exemption from the reciprocal tariffs that went into effect April 9, while the US is pushing for concessions on agricultural products and liquefied natural gas. Historically a close ally of the US, Japan has been hit with a 24% rate, while its auto industry — the cornerstone of its economy — must pay 25%.

Onodera said Japan should raise the issue of US tariffs with the World Trade Organization. He also highlighted the plight of regional neighbors, many of which were struck by some of the highest tariffs globally, and said Japan would work to strengthen cooperation among the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. 

This story was originally featured on Fortune.com



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Trump administration dismantles office that sets federal poverty guidelines

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A massive crowd of New Yorkers from across the labor movement and allies march to demand the current administration to stop the federal cuts as right-wing politicians in Washington are moving forward with devastating proposals to cut two trillion dollars from Medicaid, Medicare, housing and food assistance and other vital programs.

Photo by Erik McGregor/LightRocket via Getty Images



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