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Donald Trump roars down multiple paths of retribution as he vowed. Some targets yield while others fight

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Just one day after Paul Weiss’ deal, Columbia University disclosed policy changes under the threat of losing billions of dollars in federal money. A week later, the venerable law firm of Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom cut a deal of its own before it could be hit by an executive order. Before that, ABC News and Meta reached multi-million-dollar settlements to resolve lawsuits from Trump.

“The more of them that cave, the more extortion that that invites,” said Ty Cobb, a White House lawyer in Trump’s first term who has since become a sharp critic. “You’ll see other universities and other law firms and other enemies of Trump assaulted and attacked into submission because of that.”

Some within the conservative legal community, by contrast, say the Republican president is acting within his right.

“It’s the president’s prerogative to instruct the executive branch to do business with companies, law firms or contractors that he deems trustworthy — and the converse is true too,” said Jay Town, a U.S. attorney from Alabama during Trump’s first term. “The president, as the commander in chief, can determine who gets a clearance and who doesn’t. It’s as simple as that.”

Some targets have not given in, with two law firms since the Paul Weiss deal suing to block executive orders. Yet no matter their response, the sanctioned firms have generally run afoul of the White House by virtue of association with prosecutors who previously investigated Trump.

If the negotiations have been surprising, consider that Trump telegraphed his approach during the campaign. For those who have been wronged and betrayed, I am your retribution, he told supporters in March 2023.

Less clear was: Retribution for what exactly? Against whom? By what means?

The answers would come soon enough.

Fresh off surviving four federal and state indictments that threatened to sink his political career, and investigations that shadowed his first term in office, Trump came straight for the prosecutors who investigated him and the elite firms he saw as sheltering them.

His Justice Department moved almost immediately to fire the members of special counsel Jack Smith’s team and some prosecutors who handled cases arising from the Capitol riot on Jan. 6, 2021.

The White House followed up with an executive order that stripped security clearances from the lawyers at the law firm of Covington & Burling who have provided legal representation for Smith amid the threat of government investigations. Covington has said it looks forward to “defending Mr. Smith’s interests.”

A subsequent order punished Perkins Coie for its representation of then-Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton during the 2016 campaign and its part in funding opposition research on Trump that took the form of a dossier containing unsubstantiated allegations about Trump’s ties to Russia.

Its business hanging in the balance, Perkins Coie hired Williams & Connolly, a Washington firm with an aggressive litigation style, to challenge the order. A federal judge said the administration’s action sent “chills down my spine” and blocked portions of it from taking effect. That decision could have been a meaningful precedent for other beleaguered firms.

Except that’s not what happened next.

The chairman of Paul Weiss said it, too, was initially prepared to sue over a March 14 order that targeted the firm in part because a former partner, Mark Pomerantzhad several years earlier overseen an investigation into Trump’s finances on behalf of the Manhattan district attorney’s office.

But the firm also came to believe that even a courtroom victory would not erase the perception among clients that it was “persona non grata” with the administration, its chairman, Brad Karp, later told colleagues in an email obtained by The Associated Press.

The order, Karp said, presented an “existential crisis” for a firm that has counted among its powerhouse representations the NFL and ExxonMobil. Some of its clients signaled they might abandon ship. The hoped-for support from fellow firms never materialized and some even sought to exploit Paul Weiss’ woes, Karp said.

“It was very likely that our firm would not be able to survive a protracted dispute with the Administration,” he wrote.

When the opportunity came for a White House meeting and the chance to cut a deal, he took it, pledging pro bono legal services for causes such as the fight against antisemitism as well as representation without regard to clients’ political affiliation. In so doing, he wrote, “we have quickly solved a seemingly intractable problem and removed a cloud of uncertainty that was hanging over our law firm.”

The outcry was swift. Lawyers outside the firm ridiculed it. More than 140 Paul Weiss alumni signed a letter assailing the capitulation.

“Instead of a ringing defense of the values of democracy, we witnessed a craven surrender to, and thus complicity in, what is perhaps the gravest threat to the independence of the legal profession since at least the days of Senator Joseph McCarthy,” the letter said.

Within days, two other firms, Jenner & Block and WilmerHale, were confronted with executive orders over their affiliation with prosecutors on Robert Mueller’s special counsel team that investigated Trump during his first term. Both sued Friday. WilmerHale, where Mueller is a retired partner, said the order was an “unprecedented assault” on the legal system. After hearing arguments, judges blocked enforcement of key portions of both orders.

Yet that very day, the White House trumpeted a fresh deal with Skadden Arps in which the firm agreed to provide $100 million of pro bono legal services and to disavow the use of diversity, employment and inclusion considerations in its hiring practices.

Trump has expressed satisfaction with his pressure campaign, issuing a directive to sanction lawyers who are seen as bringing “frivolous” litigation against the government. Universities, he marveled, are “bending and saying ‘Sir, thank you very much, we appreciate it.’”

As for law firms, he said, “They’re just saying, ‘Where do I sign?’ Nobody can believe it.’”

Uptown from Paul Weiss’s Midtown Manhattan home base, another elite New York institution was facing its own crucible.

Trump had taken office against the backdrop of disruptive protests at Columbia University tied to Israel’s war with Hamas. The turmoil prompted the resignation of its president and made the Ivy League school a target of critics who said an overly permissive campus environment had let antisemitic rhetoric flourish.

The Trump administration this month arrested a prominent Palestinian activist and legal permanent resident in his university-owned apartment building and opened an investigation into whether Columbia hid students sought by the U.S. over their involvement in the demonstrations.

In a separate action, the administration pulled $400 million from Columbia, canceling grants and contracts because of what the government said was the school’s failure to stamp out antisemitism and demanding a series of changes as a condition for restoring the money or for even considering doing so.

Two weeks later, the then-interim university president, Katrina Armstrong, announced that she would implement nearly all of the changes sought by the White House. Columbia would bar students from protesting in academic buildings, she said, adopt a new definition of antisemitism and put its Middle East studies department under new supervision.

The university’s March 21 rollout of reforms did not challenge the Trump administration’s coercive tactics, but nodded to what it said were “legitimate concerns” raised about antisemitism. The White House has yet to say if it will restore the money.

The Columbia resolution was condemned by some faculty members and free speech advocates.

“Columbia’s capitulation endangers academic freedom and campus expression nationwide,” Donna Lieberman, executive director of the New York Civil Liberties Union, said in a statement at the time.

Armstrong on Friday night announced her exit from the position and her return to her post atop the school’s medical center.

Columbia is not Trump’s sole target in academia. Also this month, the administration suspended about $175 million in federal funding for the University of Pennsylvania over a transgender swimmer who last competed for the school in 2022.

Trump had not even taken office on Jan. 20 when one legal fight that could have followed him into office abruptly faded.

In December, ABC News agreed to pay $15 million toward Trump’s presidential library to settle a defamation lawsuit over anchor George Stephanopoulos’ inaccurate on-air assertion that the president-elect had been found civilly liable for raping writer E. Jean Carroll.

The following month, Meta, the parent company of Facebook, agreed to pay $25 million to settle a lawsuit filed by Trump against the company after it suspended his accounts following the Jan. 6 riot.

The agreement followed a visit by Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg to Trump’s private Florida club to try to mend fences. Such a trip may have seemed unlikely in Trump’s first term, or after the Capitol siege made him, briefly, a pariah within his own party. But it’s something other technology, business and government officials have done.

The administration, meanwhile, has taken action against news organizations whose coverage it disagrees with. The White House last month removed Associated Press reporters and photographers from the small group of journalists who follow the president in the pool and other events after the news agency declined to follow Trump’s executive order to rename the Gulf of Mexico; a suit by the AP is pending.

And the administration has sought to dismantle Voice of America, a U.S. government-funded international news service. On Friday, a federal judge halted plans to fire more than 1,200 journalists, engineers and other staff who were sidelined after Trump ordered a funding cut.

___

Republished with permission of The Associated Press.



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Byron Donalds says his campaign for Governor is going ‘wonderfully’

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Meanwhile, Casey DeSantis isn’t making any moves anytime soon.

U.S. Rep. Byron Donalds doesn’t seem to be worried about potential primary competition from First Lady Casey DeSantis in the 2026 race for Governor.

During an interview on Sunday’s “Fox and Friends Weekend,” the Naples Republican didn’t even mention her as he extolled his fundraising and endorsements.

“The race is going wonderfully. We raised $12 million last month. We are picking up support all across the state from the people of Florida. And then to be able to add the support of Speaker Mike Johnson to President Trump is really something that’s monumental for our campaign and for our efforts,” Donalds told interviewer Charlie Hurt.

Donalds said there “is more support on the way” and that “the campaign is growing.”

“We got a lot of momentum and our job is simple, build momentum through the primary election, and then lead Florida into the future of making sure it continues to be the best state in America,” he added.

While Casey DeSantis waits to make a move, Donalds is capitalizing on being the sole credible candidate to have declared. He got a thunderous ovation Thursday in the Florida House. A former state legislator himself, Donalds was in the chamber seemingly to set a contrast between himself and Gov. Ron DeSantis, who has condemned Republican legislators in recent weeks.

Donalds should have the next month or so to continue his solo run, if Gov. DeSantis’ recent comments telling people to “stay tuned” are meaningful.

“We have our Legislative Session going on right now. I would say stay tuned, but we’re going to get through this, which lasts until the early part of May,” the Governor said last week.


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Florida Supreme Court disciplines 10 lawyers for various acts of chicanery

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Ten lawyers from across the state found to have engaged in various acts of misconduct were disciplined by the Florida Supreme Court in March.

Four of the lawyers were disbarred, another two had their licenses to practice revoked, three were suspended and one was reprimanded by the high court, according to a Florida Bar news release.

One of the more lurid cases involves Maurice DeShawn Hinton of Fort Lauderdale. Hinton was suspended from practicing law for two years by the Supreme Court after he neglected his clients and failed to properly communicate with them.

“In one instance, Hinton engaged in a sexual relationship with a client, and after the relationship ended, he neglected the client’s matter and failed to communicate with the client,” the Bar news release said.

“Hinton also engaged in the practice of law while under a delinquency for (Florida Bar) membership fees and continuing legal education requirements. Additionally, Hinton failed to respond to The Florida Bar during the disciplinary proceedings.”

Thomas Arthur Chandler of Sarasota was disbarred by the Justices after he pleaded no contest to driving under the influence in a third or subsequent conviction in Manatee County.

Malik Leigh of Tallahassee was disbarred for making several threatening social media posts against several defendants involved in litigation, one of them being the Palm Beach County School District. Leigh also made false accusations about opposing legal counsel, committed multiple rule violations in a case, failed to comply with numerous court orders and falsely accused a Circuit Court Judge of racial bias.

Chance McClain of Lake Park was disbarred after representing his mother, then engaged in improperly transferring a Mercedes Benz and then getting disqualified from the case.

Charles Wade Price of Winter Springs had his license revoked but can apply for readmission after five years. Price misappropriated funds provided by a client that were supposed to be used in a bankruptcy case to pay creditors. Price was also suspended from practice before the U.S. Bankruptcy Court for the Middle District of Florida.

Hammad Rashid Sheikh of Knoxville, Tennessee, was suspended from practicing in Florida. Sheikh accepted fees in eight immigration cases but did not diligently respond to handling those cases.

Jeffrey Marc Siskind of Wellington was disbarred after misappropriating large sums of money from two different clients.

Danielle Renee Watson of Tallahassee was suspended from practicing law for 91 days after falsely accusing opposing counsel of forgery and then ignoring phone calls and emails from that attorney who wanted the claim corrected.

Lisa Renee Wilcox of Pilot Point, Texas, had her license revoked, but can seek readmission in five years. Wilcox engaged in a conflict of interest by taking action that was adverse to a client’s interest.

Shayne Jeremiah Epstein of Boca Raton received a public reprimand after being involved in a recruiting company that focused on getting jobs for foreign nationals. One of those foreign nationals was not informed by Epstein about a conflict of interest involving Epstein’s legal representation.


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Winner and Loser of the Week in Florida politics — Week of 3.30.25

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The Gators are officially hunting their third men’s basketball national championship.

With a win over Auburn Saturday night, their second victory over the Tigers this season, the University of Florida (UF) is heading to the championship game in San Antonio.

The Gators won 79-73 Saturday night, a much lower scoring game than their 90-81 win over the Tigers in early February.

UF overcame an 8-point halftime deficit and pulled away late in the second half thanks to a stellar performance from Walter Clayton Jr., who finished the game with 34 points. The Gators held Auburn’s top player, Johni Broome, to just 15 points.

The Gators are looking to revive their 2006-07 golden era, when they won back-to-back national championships with a historically great roster featuring Al Horford, Joakim Noah, Corey Brewer and Taurean Green.

Fans complained about how chalky March Madness has been this year. And we love upsets as much as the next guy. But every once in a while, it’s fun seeing the nation’s best teams duke it out with everything on the line. And from the Elite Eight onward, we got the most talent-packed matchups we’ve seen in recent memory.

Now, the Gators will have a chance to etch their names in the history books. It should be a fun one.

Now, it’s onto our weekly game of winners and losers.

Winners

Honorable mention: Tom Leek, Shevrin Jones, Ben Albritton. The Process can be frustrating at times, both for partisans who don’t get their way and for everyday Floridians who at times feel left behind by the back-and-forth in Tallahassee.

But this week, we saw a pitch perfect example of The Process working the right way.

Sen. Leek, an Ormond Beach Republican, was pushing legislation creating harsher penalties for manslaughter cases where a police officer is killed after a controversial case from a few years back. But that pro-law enforcement bill also contained language removing a requirement that police officers act in “good faith.”

Republican backers said the move was necessary to avoid confusion by a jury and further guarantee bad actors are punished if an interaction leads to a cop being killed. But several Black Senators, led by Jones, raised serious concerns about axing that provision and its repercussions, leading to a heated exchange followed by Leek pulling the bill from being voted on.

This week, all was resolved. The “good faith” language was inserted back into the bill, per an amendment posed by Jones, along with definitional language, and the legislation passed unanimously in the Senate. Senate President Albritton and Senate leadership were key to allowing the amendment to go through.

A lot of us who just want to see this state be the best version it can are really tired of the culture war hysteria and fatigued by fights in the Capitol over these issues. This easily could have been another example if Leek and other Republicans demanded to stay firm. After all, Republicans have a supermajority in both chambers. They can do whatever they want.

Instead, Leek listened. The bill got better for it. And what could have served as a legislative food fight instead is an example of lawmakers putting aside their partisan hats and working together to come to consensus.

This is where most Floridians are, no matter how loud the fringes get. And this week shows that if you stop, listen and take up suggested language to make a bill better (even from a Democrat), you can get unanimous support. Thank you to all of these Senators for showing how it’s done.

Almost (but not quite) the biggest winner: Byron Donalds. Donalds does it again.

This week continued to show Donalds building his case to be the front-runner in the 2026 Governor’s race.

First, he announced raising $12 million in his first month as a candidate. That’s a massive haul and a sign that Donalds has tapped into a network to heavily fund his campaign into next August, when the GOP Primary will take place.

Still have concerns he may not have enough resources? Well, Donalds later in the week added U.S. House Speaker Mike Johnson’s endorsement. That’s a direct line into the national GOP donor network.

All of this doesn’t lock anything up 16 months away from any votes being cast.

But it does serve as example after example that more big moves — endorsements, major donations, etc. — are coming Donalds’ way down the line.

Meanwhile, Gov. Ron DeSantis says that if First Lady Casey DeSantis announces her own bid for Governor, she will wait until after this year’s Legislative Session — another month-plus away — to do so.

Great idea. Waiting until after Session to announce a campaign while a rival candidate freely builds up massive momentum has never hurt the DeSantises before.

The biggest winner: Randy Fine, Jimmy Patronis. Scoreboard.

They were outspent big time. Democrats honed in on these seats to show their anger at the Donald Trump administration. Critics — even Florida’s Republican Governor, in Fine’s case — hammered them over residency questions.

And none of it mattered. Both won by 14 percentage points.

Now of course, margins matter. These districts were both Trump +30 districts in November. The fact that Democrats cut the margins by at least half shows something — maybe just the weirdness of Special Elections, or maybe a sign, combined with the Wisconsin results, that Democrats have some successes ahead in more competitive districts.

So down the line, maybe Democrats in other states can build on these results.

But for now? They got nothing. No cutting into the GOP’s thin House advantage. No shocking the world and dunking on Trump.

Fine and Patronis will now likely be able to serve in Congress for as long as they like.

We hate to say we told you so.

Losers

Dishonorable mention: Donna Deegan. Deegan faced an admittedly tough decision this week regarding a Jacksonville law looking to crack down on illegal immigrants by requiring jail time: sign a law she vocally disapproves of, or veto it and invite the wrath of the DeSantis administration, which warned her and others not to interfere with the state’s push on this issue.

And with that choice ahead of her, Deegan made the tough decision … to do neither.

She instead just let the measure become law without her signature.

Talk about a cop out.

Deegan couldn’t sign the bill and invite the wrath of her supporters. But make no mistake: just letting this thing become law without a signature is the same exact thing. Yes, she could put on a performative display by refusing to sign it, but it changed absolutely nothing here.

If she was so opposed, and if she thought she was on firm legal ground in her opposition, she could have vetoed it. Yes, there would have been a backlash, but if that’s her position, then isn’t it incumbent on her to use every means necessary to resist?

And if she knew she was boxed into a corner legally and was essentially forced to accept this at law, then just sign it and explain to her supporters that her hands were tied.

Instead, Deegan tried to thread a needle and ended up taking the squishiest path possible. That’s not leadership.

Almost (but not quite) the biggest loser: Tampa Bay. It appears the Tampa Bay area is getting the short end of the stick in some significant ways when it comes to federal and state budgeting priorities.

Congress appears to be the big villain here. After Representatives from the area pushed for millions to fund water projects to help recover from devastating storms last year, Republicans in the House voted to cancel every single project. That includes pushes from Republican U.S. Rep. Anna Paulina Luna, as well as Democratic U.S. Rep. Kathy Castor.

“Some of these were pretty modest congressional appropriations, but they fill huge needs back home,” Castor said.

There’s more. An op-ed in the Tampa Bay Times from Rick Garrity, who used to lead Hillsborough’s Environmental Protection Commission, argued that cuts to the Environmental Protection Agency are going to harm the region’s water quality.

And food banks are warning that a funding slash targeting the U.S. Department of Agriculture will hammer food purchasing programs in Tampa Bay and the ability to distribute food to those in need.

On that latter point, the Florida Senate budget appears to make up some of the difference in the loss of federal funds. But so far, the Florida House isn’t going along.

Things like the Department of Government Efficiency cuts and Trump’s tariff program may lead to some long-term gain. Some believe they are absolutely necessary, even with the short-term pain they bring.

But these potential benefits only come if our leaders execute these plans, well, efficiently. And so far, the massive screw-ups we’ve seen in these areas the first few months of Trump’s administration are making a lot of people worry.

And in the meantime, these various silos in Tampa Bay are getting left behind.

The biggest loser: Jackson McMillan. This guy …

“Unethical.” “Hard to justify.” “Donor abuse.” Those were just a few of the phrases from Democratic consultants used to describe the fundraising strategy for the two Democratic congressional candidates who got blown out by Fine and Patronis Tuesday.

That money was essentially lit on fire here isn’t solely the fault of McMillan and his firm, Key Lime Strategies. Democrats nationwide were eager to see a sign of hope, and these were the first two congressional Special Elections in the country since Trump took office. Many donors probably didn’t realize how ruby red they were; they just wanted a place to vent. So money poured in.

But as Gay Valimont and Josh Weil raised around $16 million as of March 12, McMillan pocketed around $4.7 million during that time span.

Not bad for two elections where your candidates lost by nearly 30 points combined.

McMillan told Florida Politics that everything he charged, he displayed upfront.

Fair enough. But let’s pull back for one second.

As hype as these fundraising numbers were for Democrats, the chances they were ever winning these seats was always near zero, despite some of the breathless media coverage from outlets looking to gin up drama.

So without a win, what could Democrats realistically get from hauling in all of this money? They could have used it to build up infrastructure. They could have transferred some of it to a larger party apparatus that could use it for more competitive races.

You know what doesn’t help the Democratic Party? A consultant pocketing about a third of this massive haul for, again, delivering two 14-point losses.

So far, no one’s alleging anything illegal here. McMillan in his defense argued, in part, that this is just how the game is played. And to some degree, he is correct.

But as he pointed to other consultants hauling in big paychecks, we’d like to point out one thing: Many of those firms have actually won a lot of big races. That’s why Democrats hire them.

McMillan did nothing here and siphoned money that could have been spent better elsewhere. That’s great for him, and everyone should get a bag where they can.

But for Democrats actually looking to compete in this increasingly red state, we’re just not sure what McMillan is offering going forward.


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