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Is Ken Welch a victim, or just incompetent? Two things can be true

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Before he entered politics, Ken Welch was an accountant. So it was surprising to learn that he — or, more specifically, a political committee that supports his political ambitions — was the victim of accounting theft.

It begs the question: Is Ken Welch a victim, or is he just incompetent?

First and foremost, Welch is, of course, a victim of what appears to be, if allegations are true, a felonious theft that robbed him of more than $200,000 meant to support his re-election campaign. That many of us believe he could have avoided being a victim doesn’t change the fact that he is. The guilty party is not Welch, it’s Yolanda Brown, who is accused of making unauthorized payments from The Pelican Political Action Committee supporting Welch to a business she controls.

But there are problems too big to ignore, problems that show that while Welch is a victim, he’s also clearly incompetent.

At issue are eight unauthorized expenditures from The Pelican Political Action Committee totaling $207,500, paid between Aug. 6, 2025, and Oct. 30, 2025, to OReilly Business, which Brown controls. The expenditures range in amount from a low of $2,500 to a high of $100,000. And the total represents more than what the committee raised in the second half of 2025 combined.

Advisors tasked with managing the PC were tipped off by a campaign finance expert who manages numerous other political committees and campaign accounts who identified missing funds and suspected Brown of theft. The tip led to Welch’s advisors to uncover the possible theft from Welch’s PC.

But here’s the thing: His committee was being stolen from for months.

I first learned of this scandal in early December and let it play out to see how Welch would handle the situation. What we have now learned is that whatever he did to handle it, it wasn’t near enough.

His advisors did not make the transition away from Brown until deep into December, which means Welch was unaware of what was going on in his own political committee. All he had to do was ask his political committee team to look at a bank statement to ensure it matched what was being sent to the state in financial reports.

Every viable campaign does this. As an aside, you have no idea how frugal Charlie Crist is about his political committee. That’s why, with the exception of one expenditure for compliance, there has been no spending other than credit card fees for the first two months since the committee launched.

And unlike other victims, there is no victim compensation fund. Welch’s PC is effectively broke. Without the $25,000 contribution from the Tampa Bay Rays that accounted for more than half of his fourth-quarter fundraising, Welch would right now be laying off staff because his account wouldn’t have enough cash to cover retainers.

Taken at face value, one could chalk this up to insider political baseball, and I expect the Welch campaign to attempt to dress it up as just that.

Except that these sorts of things keep happening.

The state revoked Welch’s previous PC, the Pelican PAC, for failing to file timely reports and other required documents after 11 violation notifications. Brown, at the very end of the PC’s life, was briefly its Treasurer before being appointed Treasurer of the new one.

Even if Brown had limited involvement in the errors that condemned Pelican PAC, the embarrassing shuttering of a political committee should have already been enough for Welch to keep a closer eye on things.

But it wasn’t just that. It didn’t take long after reporting about Brown’s alleged theft from Welch’s PC to uncover a checkered past, all outlined in publicly accessible documents. One of them, and the biggest of them, was even chronicled by CBS News. Working under the name Yolanda Cheers at the time, Brown reached a plea deal in 2024 related to charges of embezzlement in California.

Brown pleaded guilty to transferring $4,000 to her own account in 2016 from the nonprofit National Equity Project, for which she controlled the accounting department. Felony charges weren’t filed until 2019 after Brown reportedly attempted to take out a loan in the name of another company she worked for, BWML & Partners.

That firm also discovered Brown had paid herself several bonuses and made unauthorized credit card purchases, including a $10,000 vacation to a vineyard. She was originally charged with six felonies, but the plea brought that down to just one count of felony grand theft by embezzlement.

The CBS News story didn’t mention Yolanda Brown, only Yolanda Cheers, so a simple internet search isn’t likely to turn that one up. However, another story in The Mercury did include her last name as Brown and was more easily accessible.

A search for Brown in LexisNexis turned up a bankruptcy in Minnesota. It happens, and I avoid passing judgment on those who have fallen into financial despair. But as someone whose job is to manage finances for other entities, a bankruptcy is a red flag.

And then there’s Welch’s judgment in general.

Throughout his tenure as Mayor, there have been a series of questionable decisions, including staffing.

In the first year of his administration, his own Deputy Mayor was forced to step down after being accused of creating a hostile work environment, and it became clear amid those allegations that plenty of people had made Welch aware of the problem.

And then there were the hurricanes. Let’s just start chronologically.

In late September 2022, Welch declared a local state of emergency as Hurricane Ian was heading toward Florida’s Gulf Coast, potentially toward the Tampa Bay region. Local leaders, including the Mayor, typically gather at the Emergency Operations Center to manage response and recovery. But Welch stayed at home, even as his top staff left their families to fulfill their city duties.

That sort of absenteeism had become a trend, with the Tampa Bay Times noting in late 2022 that from his inauguration on Jan. 6, 2022, through Sept. 7, 2022, Welch had gone to work at City Hall just 34.3% of work days.

Fast forward to the 2024 hurricane season, which saw back-to-back devastation in St. Pete from Hurricanes Helene and Milton, and Welch again found himself facing criticism for debris piles that sat for weeks on end without collection and a response many found lacking in other neighboring communities.

And speaking of hurricanes, who was the genius who decided to slash the city’s insurance on Tropicana Field to save $250,000, only to see that move cost the city millions after Hurricane Milton tore the roof from the Trop? That would be Welch.

That only scratches the surface of the unforced errors that have plagued the Welch administration and led to frustrations whispered in private among some of the city’s most powerful. Publicly, the frustration is already showing up in the 2026 mayoral campaign.

Not only did Welch’s PC suffer what appears to be a significant theft of a large percentage of its overall funds, his fourth-quarter numbers were not just stagnant, they were almost nonexistent.

In the third quarter of 2025, covering financial activity from July through September, the committee raised more than $142,000. In the fourth quarter, covering October through December, it raised just over $48,000, nearly six figures less than the previous period.

And that brings up another important question: Who gives to his campaign now?

It’s no secret that developers have long been frustrated with Welch, yet they and others with business before the city are perhaps begrudgingly contributing. The last half of 2025 saw plenty of developers cutting checks, from Altis Cardinal to Ajax Building. Even the Tampa Bay Rays, whose relationship with Welch has soured, to put it mildly, felt obliged to kick in (though they did so at half the amount they gave to Bob Buckhorn in Tampa long before his name ever appears on a ballot).

And I know for a fact that $30,000 of the $48,000 raised during the fourth quarter was bundled by one prominent fundraiser. The firm where that fundraiser works hedged their bets last quarter and also began donating to Crist.

So if Welch’s top donor is now hedging their bets, and all of the other donors can see that their money is not safe with Welch’s campaign, only a fool would donate to him in the coming months.

Already there are whispers from several corners of the political arena that Welch should drop out of the Mayor’s race.

But he won’t. He’s infamously stubborn and his pride can sometimes get in his way, leading him in this instance likely unable to acknowledge the political reality. And to his credit, he has a loyal base of support, people who have stuck with him through past scandals. But that certainly does not mean those interested in St. Petersburg’s future must underwrite a losing campaign.

Taken together, the writing is on the wall for Welch. His detached management style has created stagnation at City Hall, allegations of absenteeism, botched hurricane recovery and a failed deal to keep the Tampa Bay Rays in St. Pete. It’s costing him funds intended for re-election and, at the same time, support appears to be largely waning.

The Kathy Woodses of the world who are banking on a second Welch term need to take a hard look at continuing to support him, either financially or publicly, because now everyone is on notice.

At this point, Welch’s only hope may be that the writing is actually on a street, so the Florida Department of Transportation can come along and erase it. It’s not like Welch would do anything to stop them.



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Florida graduation rates are improving; policymakers should follow the data

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Florida’s high school graduation rates continue to show real progress.

According to the Florida Department of Education’s most recent cohort data released on January 13, 2026, the statewide four-year graduation rate, including both charter schools and traditional district public schools, stands at approximately 92%. That is a meaningful achievement and one worth acknowledging, particularly as schools confront staffing shortages, rising student needs, and sustained budget pressures.

But headline averages can obscure important differences policymakers should examine closely as the Florida Legislature debates education funding, accountability, and continued charter expansion.

When the data is disaggregated, the contrast is clear.

In the 2024–25 cohort, traditional district public high schools graduated 93.8% of students within four years, while charter high schools graduated 78.4%, a gap of more than 15 percentage points.

Both figures are derived from the same state accountability system and employ the same graduation definition. The difference is not technical. It is systemic.

Florida’s strong statewide graduation rate is driven primarily by traditional district public schools, which educate the vast majority of students. When charter and traditional schools are combined, the average remains high, but it is lower than the graduation rate achieved by traditional district schools alone.

Supporters of charter expansion often cite statewide graduation rates as evidence that Florida’s parallel education systems perform equally well or that charter schools drive overall success. Florida’s own data does not support that conclusion.

While nearly 94% of students in traditional district public schools graduate on time, more than one in five charter students do not. Graduation rate alone understates the disparity.

In 2024–25, 13% of charter students remained enrolled beyond four years, compared with 2.6% of students in traditional district public schools. Charter dropout rates were nearly three times higher, 4.4% versus 1.5%. These outcomes reflect thousands of students whose path to graduation is delayed or disrupted.

Florida’s graduation gains are real, but they are being driven overwhelmingly by traditional district public schools.

This distinction matters because Florida policy continues to emphasize expansion — approving new charter schools, providing facility access, and creating parallel funding streams often without applying the same level of scrutiny to outcomes. Expansion is frequently treated as a proxy for success, even when performance data tells a more nuanced story.

None of this diminishes the commitment of charter educators or students. But sound policymaking requires more than good intentions. It requires an honest evaluation of results.

Florida’s traditional district public schools deliver the strongest and most consistent graduation outcomes on time, with fewer dropouts and far fewer students pushed beyond the four-year window while serving diverse populations and absorbing enrollment volatility.

That is not an argument against innovation or parental choice. It is an argument for aligning public investment with evidence.

As lawmakers consider education priorities this Session, the central question is not whether Florida’s graduation rates are improving. They are.

The question is whether state policy will follow the data and invest accordingly in the schools that are producing the strongest outcomes for Florida’s students.

Progress should be celebrated. But progress should also be understood. Florida doesn’t need competing narratives; it needs education policy grounded in facts.

___

Crystal Etienne serves as president of the EDUVOTER Action Network.



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Jacksonville official warns Instagram followers about ICE arrests, advises on how to avoid ‘targeting’

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Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officers are making the rounds in Jacksonville, and a city official is advising her Instagram followers on how to avoid arrest and how to react if they are taken into custody.

Yanira Cardona, the city’s Hispanic Outreach Coordinator appointed by Mayor Donna Deegan, says people who are taken in should “comply,” but they should have a plan because “they’re out in Jacksonville.”

“We are living in very difficult times, but my best advice is: 1. Have a plan in place with your lawyers. 2. Give someone you trust power of attorney for your business and your children. 3. If you are stopped by law enforcement, please cooperate and follow their instructions/orders,” she wrote Wednesday, with a video explaining where people should be most careful.

The video was posted during business hours on a weekday and appears to be filmed in an office in City Hall, though the barking of a dog at one point suggests that may not be the case.

“ICE is out and about,” she said. “They are doing speed traps. They are, they’ve been seen on Emerson, on Beach Boulevard, on Atlantic and on the highway. They are targeting, literally, they’re targeting any lawn care companies, any AC company construction vans. They’re literally stopping them just to make sure that they have their paperwork.”

“I wish I could do more, and I wish I could say more. But this is the best I could do,” Cardona added.

We have reached out to the Mayor’s Office to see if this video was officially sanctioned, if it was filmed on city property with public resources, and if Cardona’s post on her private Instagram account reflects the city’s official position.





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Florida’s aerial highway could take off in 2027

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“Flying cars” carrying passengers will be coming to Florida in late 2027 or 2028 as the skies turn into a booming multimillion-dollar industry, transit officials said during a House subcommittee hearing.

“There’s a lot of anticipation. There’s a lot of excitement. There’s a lot of private equity to get this moving forward quickly,” said Will Watts, the Assistant Secretary and Chief Operating Officer at Florida Department of Transportation (FDOT).

Watts said demonstration flights will be happening this year to show off the technology that officials believe will transform transportation.

In developing a statewide aerial network, the Interstate 4 corridor is the top priority route to be established so vertiports can fly passengers, carry micro freight and help with emergency management, officials said.

The rest of the phase one plan for city-to-city travel targets routes from Port St. Lucie to Miami, Tampa to Naples, Miami to Key West and Pensacola to Tallahassee, according to FDOT’s presentation to state lawmakers.

Phase two listed the routes from Daytona Beach to Jacksonville, then Sebring out east and west, followed by Orlando to Lake City and Tampa to Tallahassee followed by Jacksonville to Tallahassee.

Appealing to business travelers and tourists, vertiports could be responsible for anywhere from 220,000 trips to 1.4 million trips in the opening year.

“These numbers can grow, we believe, when we get into 2050 to over 11 million on the low end and almost close to 20 million annual trips on the high end,” Watts said. 

Watts estimated that the first year could bring a more than $40 million profit as vertiports could fly to large commercial hubs, executive airports and also provide inner city transportation.

Watts gave an update during the House Transportation and Economic Development Budget Subcommittee.

The state is preparing to help usher in a new era of transportation.

“What was originally as sci-fi in movies and old cartoons like the Jetsons is potentially becoming a reality,” Transportation Secretary Jared Perdue said during Wednesday’s hearing. “This is here to stay and it’s going to happen and it could potentially have a very big impact on congestion relief and safety for transportation in the state of Florida. We have fully embraced the concept.”

The vertiports will be a privately operated service, though FDOT officials are currently in discussions to plan for zoning and what infrastructure is needed, as the amount of traffic in the sky would likely overwhelm air traffic controllers.

In addition to transporting passengers and goods that weigh 1-2 tons, the vertiports could help with emergency management, such as for organ donors, where every minute matters.



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