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It’s a sequel, it’s a remake, it’s a reboot: Lawyers grow wistful for old corporate rumbles as Paramount, Netflix fight for Warner

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Corporate-law scholars say the bidding war for Warner Bros. Discovery has become a strange kind of legal nostalgia trip, dragging Paramount back to center stage for the first time in decadesand reviving vintage doctrines from Revlon to the “Cuban beer” defense as Netflix tries to lock up a once‑in‑a‑generation deal. What looks on the surface like a clean strategic bolt‑on for the world’s biggest streamer is, in the eyes of the experts who teach this stuff, a big-budget Hollywood legacy act, following in the footsteps of the takeover sagas that defined 20th-century Tinseltown.​

Anyone who lived through the 1989 takeover that resulted in the landmark lawsuit Paramount Communications v. Time battle hears an echo. Back then, Time Inc. was trying to merge with Warner Communications when Paramount tried to blow up the deal with a rich hostile bid for Time itself, triggering a bidding war and a landmark Delaware ruling on when, and how, boards can say no.​ Of course, Time Warner emerged as a media powerhouse, reigning for decades before a 2000 tie-up with AOL that many consider to be the most disastrous merger in corporate history.

Anthony Sabino, a veteran legal practitioner and professor at St. John’s University in Queens, N.Y., who teaches those cases, called today’s fight “a sequel, not a reboot,” with Paramount, which is competing with Netflix to buy WBD, once again in the eye of a takeover hurricane. He pointed out that Paramount also fronted the 1994 Paramount v. QVC clash—also ultimately decided in Delaware—where Barry Diller’s QVC was rebuffed in favor of Sumner Redstone’s Viacomin a bid to buy Paramount, cementing the modernempire that has since mutated into Paramount Global and, as of 2024, Paramount Skydance.

The same brands and some of the same power players, from John Malone to Redstone’s successors, are back on the call sheet, only this time the battleground is streaming instead of cable and print.​ Diller himself agreed, telling The New York Times by email earlier this week, “yes, it is turning into a repeat.”

But the rapid turn of events that saw Netflix strike a binding deal worth $72 billion in equity (and nearly $83 billion including debt), only to see Paramount go public with an all-but hostile bid worth $77.9 billion in equity (and $108 billion including debt) has also brought a cosmetics name into the conversation, famous to corporate lawyers: Revlon.

The Revlon element

Named after the 1986 Delaware decision in Revlon v. MacAndrews & Forbes, the Revlon doctrine “governs sort of how you should behave when you’re selling [a] company, and it says you can’t favor, you can’t think about anything other than shareholder value,” according to Columbia law professor Dorothy Lund. She explained that in that deal, the hostile takeover of cosmetics firm Revlon by the famed financier Ronald Perelman in the mid-1980s, the Revlon CEO had a “deep personal antipathy” for Perelman and structured a deal with a different private equity buyer. Ultimately, the Delaware Supreme Court ruled that the board of Revlon, like every other company, has a “heightened responsibility to be an auctioneer and thinking about getting the best value for shareholders,” Lund said, “and what you can’t do is play favorites. Everything that you have to do has to be done in service of shareholder value.”

The announcement of the Netflix deal on Dec. 5 implied that Warner had made the best choice for shareholders by choosing the big-red streamer, but Paramount’s announcement the next business day, with a potentially higher bid, put the Revlon precedent in play, both Sabino and Lund explained. Paramount’s subsequent regulatory filing revealed what it claimed was a pattern of minimal engagement from major Warner stakeholders, including CEO David Zaslav and the so-called “cable cowboy” John Malone, who serves as chair emeritus, having stepped down from the board earlier this year while retaining significant stock. (Malone backed Diller and QVC in their ultimately unsuccessful 1994 bid for Paramount, as both Malone and Diller discussed in separate memoirs released in 2025.)

While Lund said that she doesn’t personally think there’s a strong Revlon claim quite yet, “I think the board has to be really careful what they do in the coming weeks,” because the Warner Bros. Discovery board can’t appear to be playing favorites for personal reasons. “Now the tricky thing is going to be, clearly everybody’s got money left on the table, right?” Lund noted that Paramount has indicated that its $30-per-share offer is not its last and best offer, while Netflix also has room to go up. “Now the board is in this tricky position of trying to engineer this deal to get the most value for shareholders.” They might well be compelled under their Revlon duty to either go back to Netflix and say they need a higher bid or go back to Paramount and take its bid seriously.

Lund said that the two-way fight between Paramount and Netflix is almost a fact pattern ripped from one of her exam books, with Paramount’s David Ellison effectively accusing CEO David Zaslav and the Warner board of violating their Revlon duties by favoring a more complex, slower Netflix package over a simple all‑cash offer. Lund also raised the Paramount vs. Time precedent, which was essentially about the choice of a merger partner on cultural rather than financial grounds. “You can’t say, ‘Well, I just like the culture,” which was an argument in that deal where one bidder was seen as more likely to preserve the Time culture. Boards can discount a higher price only for concrete reasons like firmer financing or cleaner regulatory paths, not because they like a bidder’s vibe, in other words.​ This is on display between Netflix, Warner and Paramount, with Ted Sarandos and David Zaslav reported to be on friendly terms, and Paramount’s regulatory filings suggesting a frosty distance between Zaslav and Ellison.

The clash of personalities is part of why experts lick their lips over media megamergers. “These are media personalities,” Sabino said, “and these folks are very powerful individuals … these are fantastically successful folks. And they don’t like it when you say no.”

Paul Nary, an assistant professor of management who teaches M&A and tracks dozens of mega‑deals at the Wharton School of Business, said “this is like my equivalent of a Super Bowl.” He highlighted the strange appeal that media assets tend to have over time, citing the mix of egos and what are perceived to be “marquee assets.” Speaking to the likely legal challenges involving Revlon and Time that will likely emerge between these two offers, Nary said a valuation dispute will be key. He said the Netflix and Paramount offers are close to each other, “depending on how much you assess the equity components, how you assess the value of the spin-out and all of these other things.”

The value of the spin-out, a company to be known as Discovery Global, stands to be much debated over the coming months, maybe even in court, but at least one analyst has put a number on the assets that Paramount wants to buy—and Netflix doesn’t, explaining the valuation gap. Bank of America Research analyst Jessica Reif Ehrlich and her team released a note on Dec. 7, after the Netflix deal and before the Paramount offer, estimating Netflix’s deal as worth more than $30 per share to WBD shareholders. Ehrlich’s team calculated Discovery Global as being worth roughly $3 per share, which would make Netflix’s $27.75-per-share offer richer than Paramount’s. But if Discovery Global was worth $4 per share, then Paramount’s deal could be seen as richer.

Cuban beer, Jewish dentists, and Gulf cash

Sabino argued that this case promises to recall even some more esoteric defenses, deep cuts like thetitles buried inside the Netflix library. He mentioned the “Jewish dentist” defense—a case from the 1970s where opponents of a deal warned that Jewish clients might shun a dental‑supply firm if a Kuwait-based investment vehicle succeeded.​

There was also the less successful “Cuban beer” defense that Sabino characterized as a variation of “Jewish dentist.” It arose in 2008 when InBev, aglobal beer conglomerate based in Belgium, tried to acquire the iconic American beer company Anheuser-Busch. Through a subsidiary, InBev had operations in Cuba, and Anheuser-Busch tried to raise these as a concern as it attempted to keep its independence. Sabino told Reuters at the time that it was a “brilliant but desperate move,” and AB InBev was ultimately formed out of the historic $107 billion merger.

The connection to these deals, of course, is the Middle Eastern funding component of the Paramount bid for WBD. Valued at $24 billion, the Middle Eastern backing was facilitated in part by Jared Kushner, President Trump’s son-in-law, and Sabino said he expects someone to ask whether Americans will ultimately really want Middle Eastern sovereign funds holding big stakes in a Hollywood, even though David Ellison claims that those stakes won’t involve any governance rights. Analyst Rich Greenfield of LightShed Partners challenged Ellison about this directly on a conference call about Paramount’s bid: “Just wondering if you could give us any color on why they’re investing so much with no governance, right? Like what’s the — is there any rationale you can provide?”

Ellison responded to Greenfield that the compelling “industrial logic” would create a company generating a lot of cash flow immediately. “When you look at that from a returns perspective, it’s incredibly attractive to—obviously, to all shareholders. And from that standpoint, I think that’s why our partners obviously are here.”

Referring to the Middle Eastern and Kushner-adjacent aspects of this story being different from the legal textbooks, Lund said “there are aspects of this that feel like a throwback, and there’s aspects of this that just feel so 2025.”

“Under Revlon,” she said, “you have to think about what’s going to create shareholder value. You think that would be a politically neutral thing, right? But when you have a president that’s out there saying, I’ve got a perspective on this, and I’m going to be involved in this, and that’s going to affect regulatory clearance. Now, all of a sudden, you have to worry about that whole political aspect of it as a part of your Revlon duty. And that’s very new.” Lund said dealmakers are confronting political entanglements that they haven’t had to confront before.

Sabino, by contrast, downplayed the political aspect as “overblown,” arguing that both offers ultimately turn on money and law, not party ties. “I think politics has very little to do with it, okay? Because again, the bottom line is, this is business. This is about money, okay?” The president, Sabino added, is a “very energetic guy” who “says a lot of stuff.” At the end of the day, Sabino said, he thinks Revlon and Time and shareholder value will win out, with Sarandos, Ellison and Warner, regardless of their political persuasion, playing M&A hardball. “These folks are deadly serious.”

Editor’s note: The author worked for Netflix from June 2024 through July 2025.



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Morgan Stanley strategist Michael Wilson says lackluster job numbers could actually be good news

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Ahead of the highly anticipated November jobs data to be released this week, even lackluster numbers may be greeted with relief by Wall Street.

A moderately cooling labor market could increase the likelihood of more rate cuts by the Federal Reserve—a tantalizing prospect for many investors eying future earnings growth—fueling bullish behaviors in the stock market, according to Morgan Stanley analysts.

“We are now firmly back in a good is bad/bad is good regime,” Michael Wilson, chief U.S. equity strategist and chief investment officer for Morgan Stanley, wrote in a note to investors on Monday.

Fed Chair Jerome Powell’s divisivecut last week, the Fed’s third cut in as many meetings, was based on consistent data showing a softening job market, including unemployment rising three months in a row through September, and the private sector shedding 32,000 jobs last month, per ADP’s November report

According to Powell, the quarter-point cut was defensive and a way to prevent the labor market from tumbling, adding that while inflation sits at about 2.8%, which is higher than the Fed’s preferred 2%, he said he expects inflation to peak early next year, barring no additional tariffs.

He added that monthly jobs data may have been overcounted by about 60,000 as a result of data collection errors, and that payroll gains may actually be stagnant or even negative.

“I think a world where job creation is negative…we need to watch that very carefully,” Powell said at the press conference directly following the announcement of the rate cut. 

Wilson suggested that Powell’s emphasis on the jobs data, as well as his de-emphasis on tariff-caused inflation, makes the labor market a crucial factor in monetary policy going into 2026. 

As a result of the government shutdown, the Labor Department’s job market report will be released on Tuesday, which will contain data from both October and November, and is expected to show a modest 50,000 payroll gain in November, with the unemployment rate ticking up from 4.4% to about 4.5%, consistent with the trend of a labor market that is slowing, but not suddenly bottoming out. 

‘Rolling recovery’ versus plain bad news

The Morgan Stanley strategist has previously argued that weak payroll numbers are actually a sign of a “rolling recovery,” with the economy in the early stages of an upswing slowly making its way through each sector. It follows three years of a “rolling recession” that Wilson said had kept the economy weaker than what employment and GDP figures suggested.

In Wilson’s eyes, because jobs data is a lagging metric, the trough of the labor cycle was actually back in the spring, coinciding with mass DOGE firings and “Liberation Day” tariffs. For a more accurate representation of the health of the economy, Wilson argued to look instead at the markets. The S&P 500, for example, is up nearly 13% over the last six months.

However, with Powell basing his policy decisions on data such as jobs, Wilson noted, the Fed could still see more room to cut, even as Morgan Stanley sees a labor market that is not in jeopardy.

“In real time, the data has not been weak enough to justify cutting more,” Wilson told CNBC last week prior to the Fed meeting. “But when they actually look at the revisions now…it’s very clear that we had a significant labor cycle, and we’ve come out of it, which is very good.”

But just as economists weren’t in consensus for the FOMC’s most recent rate cut, the possibility of more meager jobs numbers is not universally favored.

Claudia Sahm, chief economist at New Century Advisors and a former Fed economist, agreed the job data is a lagging economic indicator, but warned it could indicate a recession is underway, not that we’re already in the clear. What was particularly concerning to her was that lagging labor data could bear worse job news, as layoffs have yet to surge following shrinking job openings. 

She told Fortune ahead of the Fed’s decision last week that additional rate cuts would not be welcome news, but rather a sign the Fed had acted too late in trying to correct a battered labor market.

“If the Powell Fed ends up doing a lot more cuts, then we probably don’t have a good economy,” she said. “Be careful what you wish for.”



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Actor Joseph Gordon-Levitt wonders why AI companies don’t have to ‘follow any laws’

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In a sharp critique of the current artificial intelligence landscape, actor-turned-filmmaker-turned- (increasingly) AI activist Joseph Gordon-Levitt challenged the tech industry’s resistance to regulation, posing a provocative rhetorical question to illustrate the dangers of unchecked development: “Are you in favor of erotic content for eight-year-olds?”

Speaking at the Fortune Brainstorm AI conference this week with editorial director Andrew Nusca, Gordon-Levitt used “The Artist and the Algorithm” session to pose another, deeper question: “Why should the companies building this technology not have to follow any laws? It doesn’t make any sense.”

In a broad-ranging conversation covering specific failures in self-regulation, including instances in which “AI companions” on major platforms reportedly verged into inappropriate territory for children, Gordon-Levitt argued relying on internal company policies rather than external law is insufficient, noting such features were approved by corporate ethicists.

Gordon-Levitt’s criticisms were aimed, in part, at Meta, following the actor’s appearance in a New York Times Opinion video series airing similar claims. Meta spokesperson Andy Stone pushed back hard on X.com at the time, noting Gordon-Levitt’s wife was formerly on the board of Meta rival OpenAI.

Gordon-Levitt argued without government “guardrails,” ethical dilemmas become competitive disadvantages. He explained that if a company attempts to “prioritize the public good” and take the “high road,” they risk being “beat by a competitor who’s taking the low road.” Consequently, he said he believes business incentives alone will inevitably drive companies toward “dark outcomes” unless there is an interplay between the private sector and public law.

‘Synthetic intimacy’ and children

Beyond the lack of regulation, Gordon-Levitt expressed deep concern regarding the psychological impact of AI on children. He compared the algorithms used in AI toys to “slot machines,” saying they use psychological techniques designed to be addictive.

Drawing on conversations with NYU psychologist Jonathan Haidt, Gordon-Levitt warned against “synthetic intimacy.” He argued that while human interaction helps develop neural pathways in young brains, AI chatbots provide a “fake” interaction designed to serve ads rather than foster development.

“To me it’s pretty obvious that you’re going down a very bad path if you’re subjecting them to this synthetic intimacy that these companies are selling,” he said.

Haidt, whose New York Times bestseller The Anxious Generation came recommended from Gordon-Levitt onstage, recently appeared at a Dartmouth-United Nations Development Program symposium on mental health among young people and used the metaphor of tree roots for neurons. Explaining tree-root growth is structured by environments, he brought up a picture of a tree growing around a Civil War–era tombstone. With Gen Z and technology, specifically the smartphone, he said: “Their brains have been growing around their phones very much in the way that this tree grew around this tombstone.” He also discussed the physical manifestations of this adaptation, with children “growing hunched around their phone,” as screen addiction is literally “warping eyeballs,” leading to a global rise in myopia shortsightedness.

The ‘arms race’ narrative

When addressing why regulations have been slow to materialize, Gordon-Levitt pointed to a powerful narrative employed by tech companies: the geopolitical race against China. He described this framing as “storytelling” and “handwaving” designed to bypass safety checks,. Companies often compare the development of AI to the Manhattan Project, arguing slowing down for safety means losing a war for dominance. In fact, The Trump administration’s “Genesis Mission” to encourage AI innovation was unveiled with similar fanfare just weeks ago, in late November.

However, this stance met with pushback from the audience. Stephen Messer of Collectiv[i] argued Gordon-Levitt’s arguments were falling apart quickly in a “room full of AI people.” Privacy previously decimated the U.S. facial recognition industry, he said as an example, allowing China to take a dominant lead within just six months. Gordon-Levitt acknowledged the complexity, admitting “anti-regulation arguments often cherrypick” bad laws to argue against all laws. He maintained that while the U.S. shouldn’t cede ground, “we have to find a good middle ground” rather than having no rules at all.

Gordon-Levitt also criticized the economic model of generative AI, accusing companies of building models on “stolen content and data” while claiming “fair use” to avoid paying creators. He warned a system in which “100% of the economic upside” goes to tech companies and “0%” goes to the humans who created the training data is unsustainable.

Despite his criticisms, Gordon-Levitt clarified he is not a tech pessimist. He said he would absolutely use AI tools if they were “set up ethically” and creators were compensated. However, he concluded without establishing the principle that a person’s digital work belongs to them, the industry is heading down a “pretty dystopian road.”



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Fed chair race: Warsh overtakes Hassett as favorite to be nominated by Trump

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Wall Street’s top parlor game took a sudden turn on Monday, when the prediction market Kalshi showed Kevin Warsh is now the frontrunner to be nominated as the next Federal Reserve chairman, overtaking Kevin Hassett.

Warsh, a former Fed governor, now has a 47% probability, up from 39% on Sunday and just 11% on Dec. 3. Hassett, director of the National Economic Council, has fallen to 41%, down from 51% on Sunday and 81% on Dec. 3.

A report from CNBC saying Hassett’s candidacy was running into pushback from people close to President Donald Trump seemed to put Warsh on top. The resistance stems from concerns Hassett is too close to Trump.

That followed Trump’s comment late Friday, when he told The Wall Street Journal Warsh was at the top of his list, though he added “the two Kevins are great.”

According to the Journal, Trump met Warsh on Wednesday at the White House and pressed him on whether he could be trusted to back rate cuts. 

The report surprised Wall Street, which had overwhelming odds on Hassett as the favorite, lifting Warsh’s odds from the cellar.

But even prior to the Journal story, there have been rumblings in the finance world Hassett wasn’t their preferred choice to be Fed chair.

At a private conference for asset managers on Thursday, JPMorgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon signaled support for Warsh and predicted Hassett was likelier to support Trump on more rate cuts, sources told the Financial Times.

And in a separate report earlier this month, the FT said bond investors shared their concerns about Hassett with the Treasury Department in November, saying they’re worried he would cut rates aggressively in order to please Trump.

Trump has said he will nominate a Fed chair in early 2026, with Jerome Powell’s term due to expire in May. 

For his part, Hassett appeared to put some distance between himself and Trump during an appearance on CBS’ Face the Nation on Sunday.

When asked if Trump’s voice would have equal weighting to the voting members on the rate-setting Federal Open Market Committee, Hassett replied, “no, he would have no weight.”

“His opinion matters if it’s good, if it’s based on data,” he explained. “And then if you go to the committee and you say, ‘well the president made this argument, and that’s a really sound argument, I think. What do you think?’ If they reject it, then they’ll vote in a different way.”



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