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20 years across Google, Maersk, and Diageo taught me that the biggest barrier to change isn’t ideas — it’s the gap between inside reality and outside expectations

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After 20 years inside some of the world’s most iconic companies, the moment I stepped out, what both sides were missing became unmistakably clear. As an executive, pitches never stop. Everyone believes they’ve cracked your problem — they just need a moment of your time to prove it. Each conversation starts with the same confidence: that they’ve discovered a capability you were oblivious to, one that will unlock what your own organization somehow failed to see.

After two decades on the inside — 13 years at Moët Hennessy and Diageo, six at Maersk, and four at Google — I crossed the line for the first time. I went from the inside to the outside and it was a huge wake-up call. 

On the inside, people are not blind to opportunity., but they are managing a dense web of commitments, history, habits, and risk. What looks like resistance or a gap from the outside often masks careful sequencing, resource constraints, and competing promises — all invisible unless you’ve lived them.

We talk endlessly about AI replacing jobs. But inside any organization, few people ever say: “Let’s cut 20% of my department because we’ve become 20% more effective.” Efficiency is easy to celebrate in principle; much harder to act on when it means reassigning people, reshaping budgets, or renegotiating board expectations. In many organizations, incentives quietly reward footprint growing larger teams, bigger budgets, broader scope. Those signals tend to carry more clout than focus or simplicity. This creates a subtle tension: the choices that would streamline work often sit at odds with what many cultures implicitly encourage to grow.

On The Inside: The Hidden Handcuffs that Really Hold Change Back

When I was on the inside, I contributed to the behavior where good ideas were met with 15 “buts.” Even when the strategy was right, many elements would complicate execution. A few of the core ones I would often encounter: 

  • Capacity: Whether financial, human, or cognitive; the bandwidth of people and systems determines what’s feasible.
  • History: Every executive carries past scars — and skepticism — from previous initiatives.
  • Timing: The corporate calendar defines what’s possible. The next board meeting, the next budget cycle, or a pending leadership change can shift even the best plan.
  • Invisible Shields: Middle managers often protect their teams — for good and bad reasons — acting as unseen filters for decisions.

Priorities aren’t arbitrary; they’re promises. Each is linked to commitments — to people, partners, and the board. Asking executives to “add something” is rarely the right question. The real leverage comes from helping them cut or upgrade existing activities. As I would often ask: “if you had to reduce your activities by half, what would truly add value — and what would simply return by habit?”

Many things carry on year after year because they’ve become rituals of continuity: annual celebrations, gestures of support, the time invested in showing up as a present and available leader. These actions sustain trust but also absorb immense time. The human side of leadership — the quiet considerations for someone’s difficult moment or the energy spent creating a sense of stability — is rarely visible in board updates but deeply shapes organizational rhythm.

Then there are the well-known reflexes of internal life:

“It’s not my mandate.”
“We’ll revisit this after the next budget cycle.”
“Procurement will take months.”
“That’s not how we do it.”

These aren’t signs of apathy. They are survival mechanisms in systems that are already stretched.

When organizations stretch too far for too long, capacity doesn’t just constrain growth — it erodes it. I saw this during COVID, but the pattern didn’t stop there. The real question isn’t why these cuts happen. It’s why the full potential of people and systems wasn’t unlocked earlier — when there was still time to redirect rather than reduce.

I once played a key role in a large transformation where everything was formally aligned. The board had signed off. Budgets were approved. The CEO was publicly supportive. Even high-level KPIs signalled the shift. 

Yet the organization didn’t believe the change was real. Every year, new priorities appeared, change fatigue was real and every year, old habits prevailed. Cultures, not communications, held the real power. Looking back, the turning points came much more from experiences than from messaging. 

Telling teams what was expected of them, left them half engaged, but when new realities were illustrated and they were invited in by deeper context they saw new roles for themselves in this. We stopped convincing and started engaging.

We balanced external analysis expectations with the highest found rhythm of the organization lifting others alongside peers from within, managing both capacity, timing, and energy — and constantly found stories which fuelled belief. We accepted messiness as long as there was accountability. Change took longer to appear — but it stuck.

The Outsider’s Myopia: What Partners Miss

Now that I have joined the outside,  I still feel the inside. This perspective—being the bridge between complexity and external expertise—uncovers the fundamental friction that slows nearly all external initiatives. On the inside, being at the core of heavy decision-making often meant not seeing the wood for the trees. The outside granted me a luxury of essential distance nearly impossible to maintain while in the dense web of organizational reality. 

While consultancies bring impressive functional expertise, the work often travels in parallel tracks. The AI team brings in the marketing team, who involves HR or communications — and suddenly the conversation becomes a relay. When discussions blur across functions, new teams step in, or a long-standing relationship leader returns, and the thread can quietly slip.

It isn’t a lack of intelligence; it’s a structural reality. Large engagements are scoped for speed and senior access, not for the slow, embedded work of understanding how decisions actually move inside the organisation. This is why solutions can remain high-level: well conceived, but not always shaped to the organization’s timing, culture, or absorption capacity. The work makes sense in theory — but struggles to anchor once the consultants leave.

It’s not a lack of intelligence; it’s a lack of integration. Transformation doesn’t happen in functions — it happens in the seams between them. Yet ownership for those seams is often missing.

Recent research reinforces what many executives quietly know: it’s not the lack of intelligence holding teams back — it’s the cognitive load of navigating across functions. A Procter & Gamble field experiment involving more than 700 professionals showed that individuals working with AI improved performance by almost 40% because the system could surface perspectives they didn’t have the bandwidth to access.

The insight is simple, and deeply relevant: even the strongest teams struggle not from lack of ideas but from the friction created by silos. When cognitive load drops, cross-functional quality rises. You don’t need more people — you need clearer assembly.

So now on the outside I always focus on three areas I have seen missing before:

  1. When referencing other successes, clearly articulate what were the circumstances under which this worked (or didn’t work) because even the best work loses relevance if the underlying ask doesn’t relate.
  2. Which experiences have before shifted momentum and who was involved? Most blockages are personal before structural.
  3. Understand Incentives & Revenue Models. Let’s be transparent about everyone involved’s revenue models and reporting so we can honestly plan for mutual success. Too often one thing is said in sales pitches, but when delivery happens, the engrained business models of partners can in fact hamper progress.

The best partners understand that effective change is about interdependencies and sequencing, not just ideas. And not just about one skill. 

Key Recommendations for Mobilizing the Inside and Outside to Work Together to Achieve Fluid Change

1. Focus on Assembly, Not Addition

As the problem is rarely missing pieces. It’s often the inability to connect and mobilize what already exists. So coming from the outside: Ask whether it’s more pieces to a new puzzle that are needed, or simply better assembly of the existing ones. Be curious about interdependencies and share the ownership of these. 

2. Create Headspace

The most valuable question a partner can ask: “What can I do to give you headspace so you can work smarter and progress your initiatives?”

Creating space is not a soft skill; it’s the precondition for real progress. See if tasks can be carried on the outside to allow the key people to make better decisions for all. 

3. Treat Partnerships Like Governance

Create a greater sense of shared accountability. Try holding monthly partner sessions that act like AGMs for collaboration. Use them to reframe situations, revisit dependencies, and build shared ownership. At first, people will attend to “look wise,” but over time, these sessions create a foundation of dependability and mutual understanding.

4. Listen and Adapt

In hierarchies where power is concentrated, flexibility becomes the differentiator. Success depends less on frameworks and more on comprehension — knowing when to adapt pace, tone, or focus. Be comfortable where ownership blurs and be curious about which other success criteria could exist. And be willing to give away celebrations to others — it is likely worth much more in the long run, when the opportunities which can be solved are bigger and wider. 

Transformation Fails in the Gaps No One Sees — Not in the Ideas Everyone Debates

From the inside, every decision carries unseen weight. From the outside, every delay looks like complacency. Real progress comes when both sides see — and respect — the other’s constraints, capacity, and commitments.

Transformation doesn’t fail for lack of initiatives. It fails for lack of understanding what it truly takes to grow in motion.

The opinions expressed in Fortune.com commentary pieces are solely the views of their authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Fortune.



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Senate Dems’ plan to fix Obamacare premiums adds nearly $300 billion to deficit, CRFB says

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The Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget (CRFB) is a nonpartisan watchdog that regularly estimates how much the U.S. Congress is adding to the $38 trillion national debt.

With enhanced Affordable Care Act (ACA) subsidies due to expire within days, some Senate Democrats are scrambling to protect millions of Americans from getting the unpleasant holiday gift of spiking health insurance premiums. The CRFB says there’s just one problem with the plan: It’s not funded.

“With the national debt as large as the economy and interest payments costing $1 trillion annually, it is absurd to suggest adding hundreds of billions more to the debt,” CRFB President Maya MacGuineas wrote in a statement on Friday afternoon.

The proposal, backed by members of the Senate Democratic caucus, would fully extend the enhanced ACA subsidies for three years, from 2026 through 2028, with no additional income limits on who can qualify. Those subsidies, originally boosted during the pandemic and later renewed, were designed to lower premiums and prevent coverage losses for middle‑ and lower‑income households purchasing insurance on the ACA exchanges.

CRFB estimated that even this three‑year extension alone would add roughly $300 billion to federal deficits over the next decade, largely because the federal government would continue to shoulder a larger share of premium costs while enrollment and subsidy amounts remain elevated. If Congress ultimately moves to make the enhanced subsidies permanent—as many advocates have urged—the total cost could swell to nearly $550 billion in additional borrowing over the next decade.

Reversing recent guardrails

MacGuineas called the Senate bill “far worse than even a debt-financed extension” as it would roll back several “program integrity” measures that were enacted as part of a 2025 reconciliation law and were intended to tighten oversight of ACA subsidies. On top of that, it would be funded by borrowing even more. “This is a bad idea made worse,” MacGuineas added.

The watchdog group’s central critique is that the new Senate plan does not attempt to offset its costs through spending cuts or new revenue and, in their view, goes beyond a simple extension by expanding the underlying subsidy structure.

The legislation would permanently repeal restrictions that eliminated subsidies for certain groups enrolling during special enrollment periods and would scrap rules requiring full repayment of excess advance subsidies and stricter verification of eligibility and tax reconciliation. The bill would also nullify portions of a 2025 federal regulation that loosened limits on the actuarial value of exchange plans and altered how subsidies are calculated, effectively reshaping how generous plans can be and how federal support is determined. CRFB warned these reversals would increase costs further while weakening safeguards designed to reduce misuse and error in the subsidy system.

MacGuineas said that any subsidy extension should be paired with broader reforms to curb health spending and reduce overall borrowing. In her view, lawmakers are missing a chance to redesign ACA support in a way that lowers premiums while also improving the long‑term budget outlook.

The debate over ACA subsidies recently contributed to a government funding standoff, and CRFB argued that the new Senate bill reflects a political compromise that prioritizes short‑term relief over long‑term fiscal responsibility.

“After a pointless government shutdown over this issue, it is beyond disappointing that this is the preferred solution to such an important issue,” MacGuineas wrote.

The off-year elections cast the government shutdown and cost-of-living arguments in a different light. Democrats made stunning gains and almost flipped a deep-red district in Tennessee as politicians from the far left and center coalesced around “affordability.”

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer is reportedly smelling blood in the water and doubling down on the theme heading into the pivotal midterm elections of 2026. President Donald Trump is scheduled to visit Pennsylvania soon to discuss pocketbook anxieties. But he is repeating predecessor Joe Biden’s habit of dismissing inflation, despite widespread evidence to the contrary.

“We fixed inflation, and we fixed almost everything,” Trump said in a Tuesday cabinet meeting, in which he also dismissed affordability as a “hoax” pushed by Democrats.​

Lawmakers on both sides of the aisle now face a politically fraught choice: allow premiums to jump sharply—including in swing states like Pennsylvania where ACA enrollees face double‑digit increases—or pass an expensive subsidy extension that would, as CRFB calculates, explode the deficit without addressing underlying health care costs.



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Netflix–Warner Bros. deal sets up $72 billion antitrust test

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Netflix Inc. has won the heated takeover battle for Warner Bros. Discovery Inc. Now it must convince global antitrust regulators that the deal won’t give it an illegal advantage in the streaming market. 

The $72 billion tie-up joins the world’s dominant paid streaming service with one of Hollywood’s most iconic movie studios. It would reshape the market for online video content by combining the No. 1 streaming player with the No. 4 service HBO Max and its blockbuster hits such as Game Of ThronesFriends, and the DC Universe comics characters franchise.  

That could raise red flags for global antitrust regulators over concerns that Netflix would have too much control over the streaming market. The company faces a lengthy Justice Department review and a possible US lawsuit seeking to block the deal if it doesn’t adopt some remedies to get it cleared, analysts said.

“Netflix will have an uphill climb unless it agrees to divest HBO Max as well as additional behavioral commitments — particularly on licensing content,” said Bloomberg Intelligence analyst Jennifer Rie. “The streaming overlap is significant,” she added, saying the argument that “the market should be viewed more broadly is a tough one to win.”

By choosing Netflix, Warner Bros. has jilted another bidder, Paramount Skydance Corp., a move that risks touching off a political battle in Washington. Paramount is backed by the world’s second-richest man, Larry Ellison, and his son, David Ellison, and the company has touted their longstanding close ties to President Donald Trump. Their acquisition of Paramount, which closed in August, has won public praise from Trump. 

Comcast Corp. also made a bid for Warner Bros., looking to merge it with its NBCUniversal division.

The Justice Department’s antitrust division, which would review the transaction in the US, could argue that the deal is illegal on its face because the combined market share would put Netflix well over a 30% threshold.

The White House, the Justice Department and Comcast didn’t immediately respond to requests for comment. 

US lawmakers from both parties, including Republican Representative Darrell Issa and Democratic Senator Elizabeth Warren have already faulted the transaction — which would create a global streaming giant with 450 million users — as harmful to consumers.

“This deal looks like an anti-monopoly nightmare,” Warren said after the Netflix announcement. Utah Senator Mike Lee, a Republican, said in a social media post earlier this week that a Warner Bros.-Netflix tie-up would raise more serious competition questions “than any transaction I’ve seen in about a decade.”

European Union regulators are also likely to subject the Netflix proposal to an intensive review amid pressure from legislators. In the UK, the deal has already drawn scrutiny before the announcement, with House of Lords member Baroness Luciana Berger pressing the government on how the transaction would impact competition and consumer prices.

The combined company could raise prices and broadly impact “culture, film, cinemas and theater releases,”said Andreas Schwab, a leading member of the European Parliament on competition issues, after the announcement.

Paramount has sought to frame the Netflix deal as a non-starter. “The simple truth is that a deal with Netflix as the buyer likely will never close, due to antitrust and regulatory challenges in the United States and in most jurisdictions abroad,” Paramount’s antitrust lawyers wrote to their counterparts at Warner Bros. on Dec. 1.

Appealing directly to Trump could help Netflix avoid intense antitrust scrutiny, New Street Research’s Blair Levin wrote in a note on Friday. Levin said it’s possible that Trump could come to see the benefit of switching from a pro-Paramount position to a pro-Netflix position. “And if he does so, we believe the DOJ will follow suit,” Levin wrote.

Netflix co-Chief Executive Officer Ted Sarandos had dinner with Trump at the president’s Mar-a-Lago resort in Florida last December, a move other CEOs made after the election in order to win over the administration. In a call with investors Friday morning, Sarandos said that he’s “highly confident in the regulatory process,” contending the deal favors consumers, workers and innovation. 

“Our plans here are to work really closely with all the appropriate governments and regulators, but really confident that we’re going to get all the necessary approvals that we need,” he said.

Netflix will likely argue to regulators that other video services such as Google’s YouTube and ByteDance Ltd.’s TikTok should be included in any analysis of the market, which would dramatically shrink the company’s perceived dominance.

The US Federal Communications Commission, which regulates the transfer of broadcast-TV licenses, isn’t expected to play a role in the deal, as neither hold such licenses. Warner Bros. plans to spin off its cable TV division, which includes channels such as CNN, TBS and TNT, before the sale.

Even if antitrust reviews just focus on streaming, Netflix believes it will ultimately prevail, pointing to Amazon.com Inc.’s Prime and Walt Disney Co. as other major competitors, according to people familiar with the company’s thinking. 

Netflix is expected to argue that more than 75% of HBO Max subscribers already subscribe to Netflix, making them complementary offerings rather than competitors, said the people, who asked not to be named discussing confidential deliberations. The company is expected to make the case that reducing its content costs through owning Warner Bros., eliminating redundant back-end technology and bundling Netflix with Max will yield lower prices.



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The rise of AI reasoning models comes with a big energy tradeoff

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Nearly all leading artificial intelligence developers are focused on building AI models that mimic the way humans reason, but new research shows these cutting-edge systems can be far more energy intensive, adding to concerns about AI’s strain on power grids.

AI reasoning models used 30 times more power on average to respond to 1,000 written prompts than alternatives without this reasoning capability or which had it disabled, according to a study released Thursday. The work was carried out by the AI Energy Score project, led by Hugging Face research scientist Sasha Luccioni and Salesforce Inc. head of AI sustainability Boris Gamazaychikov.

The researchers evaluated 40 open, freely available AI models, including software from OpenAI, Alphabet Inc.’s Google and Microsoft Corp. Some models were found to have a much wider disparity in energy consumption, including one from Chinese upstart DeepSeek. A slimmed-down version of DeepSeek’s R1 model used just 50 watt hours to respond to the prompts when reasoning was turned off, or about as much power as is needed to run a 50 watt lightbulb for an hour. With the reasoning feature enabled, the same model required 7,626 watt hours to complete the tasks.

The soaring energy needs of AI have increasingly come under scrutiny. As tech companies race to build more and bigger data centers to support AI, industry watchers have raised concerns about straining power grids and raising energy costs for consumers. A Bloomberg investigation in September found that wholesale electricity prices rose as much as 267% over the past five years in areas near data centers. There are also environmental drawbacks, as Microsoft, Google and Amazon.com Inc. have previously acknowledged the data center buildout could complicate their long-term climate objectives

More than a year ago, OpenAI released its first reasoning model, called o1. Where its prior software replied almost instantly to queries, o1 spent more time computing an answer before responding. Many other AI companies have since released similar systems, with the goal of solving more complex multistep problems for fields like science, math and coding.

Though reasoning systems have quickly become the industry norm for carrying out more complicated tasks, there has been little research into their energy demands. Much of the increase in power consumption is due to reasoning models generating much more text when responding, the researchers said. 

The new report aims to better understand how AI energy needs are evolving, Luccioni said. She also hopes it helps people better understand that there are different types of AI models suited to different actions. Not every query requires tapping the most computationally intensive AI reasoning systems.

“We should be smarter about the way that we use AI,” Luccioni said. “Choosing the right model for the right task is important.”

To test the difference in power use, the researchers ran all the models on the same computer hardware. They used the same prompts for each, ranging from simple questions — such as asking which team won the Super Bowl in a particular year — to more complex math problems. They also used a software tool called CodeCarbon to track how much energy was being consumed in real time.

The results varied considerably. The researchers found one of Microsoft’s Phi 4 reasoning models used 9,462 watt hours with reasoning turned on, compared with about 18 watt hours with it off. OpenAI’s largest gpt-oss model, meanwhile, had a less stark difference. It used 8,504 watt hours with reasoning on the most computationally intensive “high” setting and 5,313 watt hours with the setting turned down to “low.” 

OpenAI, Microsoft, Google and DeepSeek did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Google released internal research in August that estimated the median text prompt for its Gemini AI service used 0.24 watt-hours of energy, roughly equal to watching TV for less than nine seconds. Google said that figure was “substantially lower than many public estimates.” 

Much of the discussion about AI power consumption has focused on large-scale facilities set up to train artificial intelligence systems. Increasingly, however, tech firms are shifting more resources to inference, or the process of running AI systems after they’ve been trained. The push toward reasoning models is a big piece of that as these systems are more reliant on inference.

Recently, some tech leaders have acknowledged that AI’s power draw needs to be reckoned with. Microsoft CEO Satya Nadella said the industry must earn the “social permission to consume energy” for AI data centers in a November interview. To do that, he argued tech must use AI to do good and foster broad economic growth.



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